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COPTRIGHT, 1904, 1907 



Contributors, and Editorial Revisers 

Prof. Adolf Erman, University of Berlin. 

Prof. Joseph Halevy, College of France. 

Prof. Thomas K. Cheyne, Oxford tTniversity. 

Prof. Andrew 0. McLaughlin, University of Chicago. 
Prof. David H. Miiller, University of Vienna. 

Prof. Alfred Eambaud, University of Paris. 
Capt. F. Brjnkley, Tokio. 

Prof. Ednard Meyer, University of Berlin. 

Dr. James T, Shotwell, Columbia University. 

Prof. Theodor Noldeke, University of Strasbnrg. 
Prof. Albert B. Hart, Harvard University. 

Dr. Paul Bronnle, Eoyal Asiatic Society. 
Dr. James Gairdner, G.B., London. 

Prof. Ulrich von Wilamowitz Mollendorff, University of Berlin. 
Prof. H. Marczali, University of Budapest. 

Dr. G. W. Botsford, Columbia University. 

Prof. Julius Wellhausen, University of Gottingen. 

Prof. Franz E. von Krones, University of Graz. 
Prof. Wilhelm Soltau, Zabem University. 

Prof. E. W. Eogers, Drew Theological Seminary. 
Prof. A. VambSry, University of Budapest, 

Prof. Otto Hirschfeld, University of Berlin. 

Dr. Frederick Eobertson Jones, Bryn Mawr College. 

Baron Bernardo di San Severino Quaranta, London. 
Dr. John P. Peters, New York- 
Prof. Adolph Harnack, University of Berlin. 

Dr. A. S. Eappoport, School of Oriental Languages, Paris. 
Prof. Hermann Diels, University of Berlin. 

Prof. C. W. C. Oman, Oxford University, 

Prof. W. L. Fleming, Louisiana State University. 

Prof. I. Goldziher, University of Budapest. 

Printed in the United States. Prof. E. Koser, University of Berlin. 




A Prefatory Characterisation by Alfred Rambatjd 1 


The Bourbon Restoration (1815-1834 a.d.) .... 9 

Lamartine's view of the restoration, 9. Excess of the royalists and the invaders, 
11. The "White Terror "of 1815, 12. Richelieu the new minister, 14. Treaty of 
1815,15. Execution of Marshal Ney and others, 16. Death of Murat, 18. La Cham- 
bre Introuvable, 18. The division of parties, 19. The coup d'etat of Septemher 5th, 
1816, 20. The new chamher, 32. The ministry of Decazes, 23. Assassination of the 
duke de Berri and its results, 24. Events in Europe, 25. The Congregation and the 
Jesuits, 25. The Carhonari, 26. The ministry of Villele and the Spanish Crusade, 
38. The ministry of Villele, 30. Alison on the last days of Louis XVIII, 31. La- 
martine's estimate of Louis XVIII, 33. 


Charles X and the July Revolution op 1830 . . .34 

First mistakes of the new government, 36. Growing discontent, 38. The min- 
istry of Martignac, 39. The ministry of Polignac, 41. War with Algeria, 42. The 
ordinances of Polignac and war with the Press, 44. Pelletan's account of the three 
days of July, 45. Charles X deposed, 47. The duke of Orleans made lieutenant- 
general of the kingdom, 49. Hillehrand's parallel between the revolution of 1688 and 
1830, 50. Martin on the July revolution, 53. 


Louis Philippe and the Revolution of 1848 (1830-1848 a.d.) . . 54 

State of the country and first acts of the reign, 55. Socialistic movements, 56. 
Laffitte's ministry, 57. Casimir-Perier and foreign affairs, 59. Lomenie's estimate 
of Casimir-Perier, 61. Succeeding ministries, 63. Fieschi's Infernal Machine and 



the " September Laws," 63. The rise of Thiers and Guizot, 65. War with Abdul- 
Kadir, 67. Ministerial crises, 69. The Strasburg Bonapartist plot, 70. The Soult 
ministry, 71. The return of Napoleon's remains, 73. The eastern question, 73. 
Louis Napoleon's second attempt at a coup d'etat, 73. Events from 1840-1843, 75. 
War with Abdul-Kadir, 76. The Spanish marriages, 77. Rising discontent, 79. The 
banquet of 1848, 79. The revolution of 1848, 81. The king abdicates and takes flight, 
83. Alison's estimate of Louis Philippe, 83. 


The Republic of 1848 85 

The provisional government, 85. The first problems of the provisional govern- 
ment, 89. The national workshops and other expedients, 91. The republic estab- 
lished, 94. The insurrection of May 15th, 1848, 96. Civil war in Paris, 99. The 
"days of June," 100. The dictatorship of Cavaignac, 103. The new constitution 
and the plebiscite, 103. The candidacy of Louis Napoleon, 105. The elections of 
December, 1848, 105. Victor Hugo's portrait of "Napoleon the Little," 107. 


Louis Napoleon as President and Empbeor (1849-1870 a.d.) . . 110 

End of the constituent assembly, 1849, 111. Siege of Rome, 113. Struggle 
between the president and the legislative assembly, 113. The coup cPitat of Decem- 
ber 3nd, 1851, 116. Victor Hugo's account of the Boulevard Massacre, 117. Severities 
of the government, 130. The appeal to the people, 133. Exile by wholesale, 134. 
The constitution of 1853, 135. Napoleon's address at Bordeaux, 1853, 126. The ac 
cession of Napoleon IH, 137. Napoleon's marriage, 128. Erskine May on the court 
life, 138. The Crimean War, 129. The congress of Paris, 130. Internal affairs, 131. 
Orsini's attempt to kill the emperor, 133. The " new terror" of 1858, 133. War in 
Italy: Solferino, 135. Expeditions and wars in Syria, China, Cochin China, and 
Mexico, 137. The rise of Prussia, 139. Fyffe on Napoleon's new policy, 139. 
French and Prussian dispute over Luxemburg, 140. New friction with Prussia, 144. 
The ministry of OUivier, 144. Cause of the Franco-Prussian War, 146. 


The Franco-Prussian War (1870-1871 a.d.) . . .147 

The preparedness of France, 148. Opening of the war, 149. The battles of 
Worth and Spicheren, 150. Bazaine at Metz, 153. Battle of Mars-La-Tour, 154. Bat- 
tle of St. Privat, 155. Confusion at Paris, 156. Battle of Sedan, 157. The surrender 
of Napoleon III and the army, 160. The third republic proclaimed, 163. The siege 
of Paris, 163. (3^irard's account of Chateaudun, 165. Continued German successes, 
167. Martin on the surrender of Metz, 174. The uprising of Paris, 175. Paris suf- 
fers from cold, hunger, and bombardment, 176. The last sortie, 177. The end of the 
war, 179, 




The Third Republic (1871-1908 a.d.) . . . .180 

The central committee, 182. The commune of 1871 organized, 183. The recap- 
ture of Paris, 184. The administration of Thiers, 185. MacMahon becomes president, 
188. Martin on the constitution of 1875, 188. Simon's ministry, 189. The coup 
d^itat of May 16th, 190. Grrevy becomes president, 191. The last days of Gambetta ; 
ascendency of Ferry, 192. The presidency of Carnot, 194. The presidencies of Casi- 
mir-Perier and Faure, 196. The Dreyfus trial, 196. Colonial wars, 197. Sepa- 
ration of church and state, 198. The entente cordiale and the Moroccan question, 199. 
Relations with Japan and Germany, 199b. Sequel to the Dreyfus case, 199b. M. 
Fallieres chosen president, 199b. Wine-growers and the Adulteration Law, 199c. 
Further troubles in Morocco, 199c. 

The Social Evolution of France since 1815, by Alfred Rambaud . 200 

The labour question, 200. Sad state of the working classes, 202. Early strikes 
and revolts, 203. Utopian philosophies, 204. The national workshops and their con- 
sequences, 206. The working classes under Louis Napoleon, 209. The commune of 
1871, 211. Recent legislation for the betterment of labour, 314. Present-day doc- 
trines, 216. 

Brief Reference-List of Authorities by Chapters 219 

A General Bibliography of French History 221 

A Chronological Summary of the History of France, from the Treaty 
OF Verdun 235 


Historical Introduction to the History of the Netherlands, by John 
Lothrop Motley 267 

The land, 267. The early peoples, 268. Early forms of government and religion, 
270. Relations with Rome, 272. The Batavian hero Civilis, 273. Fall of Rome and 
rise of the Frankish Empire, 275. Government and civilization of feudal times, 279. 

The First Counts of Holland (843-1299 a.d.) , . . 283 

The periods of Dutch history, 284. Holland as a German fief, 285. The first 
Dirks,. I-IV, 286. Wars with Utrecht, Flanders, and the empire, 287. Floris I to 
IV, 288. An early charter, 292. Count William II, emperor of Germany, 293. The 
constitution of Holland, 294. Constitution of the guilds, 295. The nobility, 296. 
The estates, 298. Taxation, 298. Floris V, 300. The great flood, 301. The kidnap- 
ping of Floris, 302. John I, the last of the counts, 304. 




Early History of Belgium and Flanders (51 B.C.-1384 a.d.) . . 306 

Theodore Juste on Belgium's place in history, 306. Primitive history, 308. Under 
the Romans, 308. Under the Franks and the dukes, 309. Brabant, 309. Luxem- 
burg and Liege, 310. Flanders : its early history, 310. Rise of the Belgium com- 
munes, 311. Flanders versus France, 314. The "Bruges Matins," 316. Battle of 
the Spurs, 317. Last years of Guy's reign, 318. Robert of Bethune, 319. Louis of 
Nevers at war with the people, 320. The communes defeated at Cassel, 320. Van 
Artevelde appears, 322. Froissart's account of Artevelde and his death, 324. Kervijn 
de Lettenhove's estimate of Van Artevelde, 326. The reign of Louis of Male, 327. 
Philip Van Artevelde chosen as leader, 328. Battle of Roosebeke, and fall of the 
guilds, 329. 


Holland under the Houses of Hainault and Bavaria (1299-1436 a.d.) 331 

The sway of Hainault, 332. William III, 334. William IV, 334. Margaret and 
the disputed claim, 335. Wars of the "cods" and " hooks," 336. Wenzelburger on 
the wars of the " cods " and "hooks ", 337. The Bavarian house in power, 339. Wil- 
liam VI, 341. The romantic story of Jacqueline, 342. Jacqueline's letter to her hus- 
band, 344. Last days of Jacqueline, 345. 


The Netherlands under Burgundy and the Empire (1436-1555 a.d.) . 350 

The rise of Burgundy, 350. Philip the Bold, 351. Philip at war with England, 
353. Art and culture of the period, 357. Charles the Bold, 358. Motley's estimate 
of Charles the Bold, 361. Mary and the Great Privilege, 362. Maximilian, 364. 
Philip the Handsome, 366. Margaret, governess for Charles V, 367. Charles V, 368. 
The Reformation, 368. Motley's estimate of Charles V, 370. Prosperous condition 
of the country, 372. 


Phiup II and Spanish Oppression (1555-1567 a-.d.) . . .375 

Early Netherland heresy, 376. Severe punishment of heresy : the anabaptists, 
377. A backward glance, 379. The accession of Philip II, 380. First deeds of Philip, 
381. Schiller's portrait of William of Orange, 384. Count Egmont, 386. Margaret 
of Parma, regent of the Netherlands, 387. Granvella and the regency, 389. The 
Inquisition, 392. The compromise of February, 395. The "request" of the "beg- 
gars," 397. The Calvinist outbreak, 400. Strada's account of the image-breaking 
frenzy, 402. The sack of the Antwerp cathedral, 403. Results of the outbreak ; the 
accord, 405. A brief respite, 407. Early failures of the rebels, 409. William of 
Orange withdraws, 410. 




Alva (1567-1573 a.d.) 412 

The arrival of Alva, 414. The bloody council of Troubles, 416. Departure of the 
regent, 419. Trial and fate of Egmont and Horn, 421. The first campaign, 434. 
Oppressive taxation; the amnesty, 425. The "sea beggars" take Briel, 427. The 
revolt of the towns, 430. The states-general at Dort, 431. First successes, 433. Col- 
lapse of William's plans, 435. Spanish atrocities, 435. The siege of Haarlem, 438. 
Revival of Dutch efforts, 438. The recall of Alva, 440. Motley's estimate of Alva, 


Progress towards Union (1573-1579 a.d.) .... 444 

Cost of the war, 445. Military affairs, 445. The siege of Leyden, 447. The stad- 
holder's powers enlarged, 452. A Spanish exploit, 455. Independence declared, 456. 
Death of Bequesens, 457. The rise of Flanders and Brabant, 457. The Spanish fury 
at Antwerp, 459. The pacification of Ghent, 462. Don John of Austria, 464. Con- 
ciliatory policy of Don John, 465. Orange made ruward ; Matthias governor, 467. 
Outbreak of war, 469. The disaster of Gembloux, 470. Administration of the duke 
of Parma, 471. The union of Utrecht, 472. 


The Last Years op William the Silent (1579-1584 a.d.) . . 476 

Parma besieges Maestricht, 477. Subterranean fighting, 477. Orange becomes 
stadholder of Flanders, 479. Further secession from the cause, 480. The " ban " 
against William, 483. The ' ' apology " of William, 483. Allegiance to Philip formally 
renounced, 485. William becomes sovereign of Holland, 487. The sovereignty of 
Anjou, 490. Attempts to assassinate William, 491. The constitution of 1582, 494. 
Anjou's plot and the "French fury," 496. Further attempts on William's life, 498. 
Motley's estimate of William the Silent, 501. 


Leicester in the Low Countries . . . .506 

The situation after the death of Prince William, 508. The activity of Parma, 
509. Antwerp besieged, 1584, 511. Motley's portrait of Olden-Barneveld, 515. The 
embassy to Elizabeth, 516. The English under Leicester in Holland, 517. Death of 
Sir Philip Sidney, 521. The failure of Leicester, 522. The Spanish Armada, 524. 
The military genius of Maurice, 527. The death of Parma : his successor, 528. The 
archduke Albert, 530. The provinces ceded to Albert and Isabella, 531. The death 
of Philip II, 532. 




The Sway of Olden-Barneveld (1598-1605 a. d.) . . . 533 

Battle of Nieuport, 535. The siege of Ostend, 538. The campaigns of 1605-1606, 
540. Heemskerk at Gibraltar, 543. The Twelve Years' Truce, 547. Dutch commerce 
and explorations, 547. Arctic exploration, 548. The Dutch East India Company, 550- 


Prince Maurice in Power (1609-1635 a.d.) . . . .553 

The Arminian controversy, 554. Barneveld outwits King James, 555. Maurice 
versus Barneveld, or Autocracy versus Aristocracy, 557. The arrest of Barneveld, 
561. The synod of Dort (or Dordrecht), 562. The trial of Barneveld, 564. The exe- 
cution of Barneveld, 566. Religious persecutions, 567. The escape of Grotius, 569. 
End of the truce, 570. The plot of Barneveld's sons, 571. The last acts of Maurice, 
572. Prosperity of the period, 573. 


Conclusion of the Eighty Years' War (1625-1648 a.d.) . . 576 

Alliance with France : Belgian efTorts for freedom, 579. Marriage of William 
and Mary, 581. Death of Frederick Henry ; Ascension of William II, 582. Treaties 
of Miinster and Westphalia, 583. Da vies' review of the war and the Dutch charac- 
ter, 585. 


Science, Literature, and Art in the Netherlands . . 590 

Spinoza, 591. Golden Age of Dutch Literature, 593. The Visscher Family, 593. 
Hooft and Vondel, 594. Cats and Huygens, 595. Hugo Grotius, 596. Taine on 
Flemish art, 598. Peter Paul Rubens, 599. Fromentin's estimate of Vandyke, 601. 
David Teniers, 603. Dutch art, 603. Taine's estimate of Rembrandt, 603. Fromen- 
tin's estimate of Frans Hals, 605. Public paintings, 606. Terburg and other painters 
of the Dutch school, 606. Terburg, Van Ostade, and Steen, 607. Landscape, still 
life, and animal painters, 607. Decline of Dutch art, 608. 


The De Witts and the War with England (1648-1672 a.d.). . 610 

The ambitions of William II, 611. Foreign relations, 613. Losses of the war 
with England, 613. The act of navigation, 1651, 616. First naval engagement, 617. 
War openly declared, 617. Death of Tromp, 620. Jan de Witt, 622. Peace with 
England, 623. War with Sweden, 623. England declares war, 624. Eicher's ac- 
count of the great Four Days' Battle, 625. The English win a victory, 629. The 
Peace of Breda, 630. War with Louis XIV, 632. Guizot's account of the fate of the 
brothers De Witt, 634. 




William III and the War with France (1672 a.d.) . . 636 

England withdraws from the war, 637. The last battle of De Euyter, 637. Wil- 
liam marries Princess Mary of England, 640. The Peace of Nimeguen and the Augs- 
burg League, 640. William becomes king of England, 642. War with France, 643. 
Peace of Ryswick, 644. Death of William III, 645. Davies' estimate of William III, 
645. The stadholderate abolished, 648. The triumvirate against France, 649. Trouble 
with England, 651. The Treaty of Utrecht and the Barrier Treaty, 652. The decline 
of Holland, 653. 



WRiTTfiN Specially fob the Pkesent Work 

Member of the Institute 


The problem which none of the revolutionary assemblies and forms of 
government — the constituent and legislative assemblies, the convention, 
directory, consulate, or empire — had been able to solve, and which consisted 
in providing France with an adequate and solid constitution, confronted the 
governments that immediately followed the Revolution. 

Louis XVIII " conceded " the charter of 1814, which was an offshoot of 
the British constitution. This charter gave the executive power into the 
hands of a king declared non-responsible, who was to be assisted by respon- 
sible ministers ; the legislative power was to be divided between the king 
and two chambers composed — one of hereditary peers, the other of deputies 
paying one thousand francs of direct taxes and chosen by electors who paid 
five hundred francs. 

Louis XVIII had merely to " lie down in the bed of Napoleon," to find 
himself invested with all the prerogatives necessary to a king, and to come 
into possession of such a police and administrative system as the world had 
never seen before. The latent despotism, however, was held in check by 
the ministerial responsibility, by the rights of the chambers, by the very 
rudimentary liberties of the people, and finally by the king's own strong 
common sense. Under such a rule France might have enjoyed the period 
of peace needed after twenty -five years of turmoil and upheaval, had the 
passions of the different parties — the royalists, the liberals, the Bonapartists 
who later coalesced with the earlier republicans — permitted such repose. 

1 Histories of the Restoration have been written by de Vaulabelle, Lamartine, Viel-Castel, 
Nettement, Hamel ; of the monarchy of July, by Louis Blanc, Elias Regnault, de Nouvion, 
Thureau Dangin, with the Memoires of Guizot, duke de Broglie, Doctor V^ron, Victor Hugo 
(Ghoses Vues); of the revolution of 1848, by Daniel Stern, A. Delvau, Normanby, E. Spnller, 
H. Castille, Victor Pierre, P. de la Gorce ; of the Second Empire, by Taxile Delord, P. de la 
-* Gorce ; of the third republic, by E. Zevort, 6. Hanotaux. Eaustin Hfilie, Les Constitutions de la 
J'rance ; Duvergier de Hauranne, Histoire de gouvernement parlimentaire. 

H. W, — VOL, XIII. B 1 


[1814-1835 A.D.] 

The experiment was furthermore disturbed by Napoleon's return from 
Elba and the consequent defection of almost all of his former troops, and by 
the " Hundred Days " of Waterloo with their disastrous consequences. Na- 
poleon, running his last adventure as a despot, at least paid homage to the 
new ideas, all strange to him, which had arisen, and gave the state a consti- 
tution bearing the name of Additional Act that, like the charter of Louis 
XVIII, might have been thought a copy of the constitution of Great Britain. 
In this act he promised to the people freedom of the press as well as all other 

Napoleon was no sooner embarked for St. Helena than legitimate royalty 
returned and with it the charter of 1814. Under its provisions France 
might at last have grown accustomed to the use of liberty, had not 
Charles X conceived the idea of searching out, in Article 14, which charged 
him to enforce the laws, a clause which gave him the right to violate them. 
The revolution of 1830. ensued. 


The sovereignty which issued from this struggle was a compromise be- 
tween the monarchic and the republican ideas; Louis Philippe, though a 
descendant of St. Louis, and even of Hugh Capet, was the son of a regicide 
and member of the convention, and had himself fought at Valmy, Jemmapes, 
and Neerwinden under the folds of the tricolour. Thereby, he offered guar- 
antees to the men of 1789. On the other hand, the legitimists reproached 
him with his father's regicidal vote and with his own usurpation, the repub- 
licans utterly refused to see in his reign the " best of republics " as La 
Fayette desired, and the Bonapartists held themselves in reserve fcr Napo- 
leon II. 

Here again the violence of political passions made a liberal form of gov- 
ernment very difficult to maintain. Plots and insurrections followed fast 
upon each other. The king was made the object of twenty-three murderous 
attempts, the most terrible being that of Fieschi and the infernal machine, 
which wounded or killed forty-two persons, among whom was the marechal 
Mortier.i Louis Philippe used to say of himself that he was the '-'only game 
that could be hunted at every season of the year." 

The charter was amended in a somewhat more democratic sense, and 
Article 14, which had been so unfortunately construed by Charles X, was 
annulled. The office of peer was henceforth to be held for life and not to 
be hereditary^ The electoral qualification or fee was reduced from three 
hundred to two hundred francs (to one hundred in the case of officers and 
members of the institute) ; and the qualification of eligibility was reduced 
from one thousand to five hundred. The number of electors was increased 
from 90,000 to 200,000 ; later, in 1847, to 240,000 — a small enough number 
for a nation of thirty-five million souls ! 

The charter formally abolished "preliminary authorisation" and press 
censure, and referred to a jury all offences of the press. Even after various 
organs had been guilty of excess, and had instigated regicide and insurrec- 
tions, these provisions were steadfastly observed. The only extra stringency 
to be adopted was the enactment of September 9th, 1835, which gave a 
clearer definition of press misdemeanors and imposed new penalties. 

It was in the matter of meetings and associations, however, that this 
government, otherwise so liberal, displayed the most timidity, and not with- 

<■ Frince de Joinville (who assisted at this terrible scene), Vieux Souvenirs, Chap. XIL 


[1830-1834 A.D.] 

out reason. The law of the 10th of April, 1834, was intended to supply any 
deficiencies that might have escaped the discerning eye of Napoleon : for 
example, in his Penal Code, he had in view only meetings and associations 
of over twenty persons ; the law of 1834 reached those which were subdivided 
into fractions of less than twenty members. Napoleon had aimed exclusively 
at " chiefs, administrators, or directors " ; the law of 1834 fell upon simple 
members. The penalty named by Napoleon had been a fine of from sixteen 
to two hundred francs ; this fine was henceforth to be five times greater, and 
there was a risk attached of from two months' to a year's imprisonment, etc. 

We must not overlook the fact that neither Napoleon's life nor his throne 
had ever been endangered by associations, whereas certain powerful societies, 
either open or secret, had been at work undermining the sovereignty of 
Louis Philippe and instigating attempts on his life. It was no small honour 
that this king should have bestowed upon France the maximum of liberties 
it had ever enjoyed while he himself was being made each year the object of 
one or more murderous attempts. 

The monarchy of July rested upon three institutions : 

(1) Qualified suffrage. In 1830 the modification of the electoral quali- 
fication and that of eligibility had, in effect, caused the preponderance to pass 
from rural to urban electors, and from social forces pertaining to agriculture 
to industrial and commercial forces. 

(2) A qualified national guard. The national guard had been suppressed 
under the Restoration because of its turbulent demonstrations against the 
prime minister of Charles X, M. de VillSle. To be revenged it fought 
against the royal troops on the barricades of July, 1830. From this moment, 
however, it became the prop of order, the defender of the charter and of the 
citizen-king ; and upon it devolved the duty of carrying the barricades. 
This band of merchants, of licensed traders, of Parisian shop-keepers, many 
of whom had taken part in the previous wars and who wore the great shako 
with all the ease of Napoleon's seasoned "grumblers," fought valiantly 
against the rioters, whose bravery equalled their own. More than two thou- 
sand members of the national guard, most of whom were heads of families, 
fell in the street combats, shedding their blood freely for the dynasty they 
themselves had raised up. Louis XVIII and Charles X had each had a 
special royal guard partly composed of Swiss ; Louis Philippe would have 
about him no other body than the national guard, knowing well how much 
he owed each individual member. Thus at every review held by him crosses 
of the Legion of Honour were freely distributed among them. The national 
guard elected its own non-commissioned officers and commissioned officers 
below the rank of captain ; appointments to all the higher grades were made 
by the king from a list of ten names proposed by the battalion. In order 
to preserve to the organisation its bourgeois character and to prevent any 
admixture of the popular element, it was simply necessary to exact the wear- 
ing of a uniform. The national guard was both a militia and an opinion ; 
at the king's reviews it manifested by its silence or by its acclamations what 
it thought of politics. Hence it was called "the intelligent bayonets." 

(3) The same class from which were recruited electors and members of 
the national guard also furnished members of the jury before whom were 
arraigned all the enemies of the government, whether accused of conspiracy 
and attempt at assassination or of some misdemeanor of the press. 

Thus it was the same men who sustained the monarchy of July by their 
votes, their bayonets, and their decisions. They constituted what was then 
the " legal nation." The rest of the people were forbidden all share in public- 


[1848 A.D.] 

affairs. When therefore these electors, national guardsmen, and jurors began 
to show hostility or even simple indifference towards the government they 
had helped to found, that government fell of itself. When, on the 28th 
of February, 1848, Louis Philippe saw himself abandoned by his faithful 
national guard, he refused to sanction further bloodshed ; his power, based 
on the favour of public opinion, could not stand once that support had been 
■withdrawn. Hitherto his reign had had to do chiefly with the "legal nation"; 
over the true nation he did not feel himself competent to rule. 

The government of Louis Philippe had shown itself as liberal as the ideas 
of the times would permit ; it had assured to France, to all Europe in fact, 
despite certain provocations from the old " Holy Alliance," eighteen years of 
honourable and profound peace; it had endowed France with its richest 
colony, Algeria, and under it the country's agriculture, industry, commerce, 
and all the branches of public prosperity had attained enormous development. 


The misunderstanding which finally led to rupture between the nation, 
even the " legal nation " and the monarchy, arose out of a question relating 
to the extension of suffrage. The revolution of the 24th of February, 1848, 
was unquestionably the least justified and least justifiable in the history of 
France. Its consequences were even more disastrous to the country in 
general than to the reigning dynasty. Those who advocated extension of the 
right of suffrage were soon to experience sharply what evils an electoral 
body — suddenly increased, vnthout preparation or gradation, from 241,000 
voters to ten millions — could inflict upon the land ; and those who accused 
the well-disposed king of illiberalism were shortly to taste the joys of a 
revival of Csesarism. 

The personages whom the revolution of the 24th of February bombarded 
into power as the " provisory government " were men of high intelligence, 
giving evidence of the very best intentions but totally devoid of political 
experience. They exhausted their eloquence and talents in criticising and 
reviling power, without in the least knowing what were its essential attributes. 
One of their first acts was to proclaim universal suffrage, being forced thereto 
possibly by the circumstance that the revolution had removed all restrictions 
standing in its way, and that new ones could not be invented by any small 
body of men had they the wish. The provisory government, at the same 
time that it accorded to all the right to vote, opened the way to wider mem- 
bership in the national guard by abolishing the uniform. Later tbe second 
constituent assembly, by a decree issued the 27th of August, 1848, admitted 
nearly the whole number of electors to jury rights ; thus the pillars of the 
monarchy of July were employed to strengthen and consolidate the demo- 
cratic power. The provisory government also annulled all laws restricting 
freedom of the press and the right to form unions and associations, and 
abolished titles of nobility as well as capital punishment for political offences. 

By the transformation of the national guard, all the opinions of the 
different political parties into which the country was divided took the form 
of armed opinion, of opinion bloodthirsty and crossbelted, with gun in hand 
and cartridge box on back. Political feeling was indeed everywhere excited 
to excess, owing to the hatching of innumerable revolutionary newspapers, 
and the opening of the clubs (" red " clubs, be it understood) all over Paris. 
When the provisory government shortly after retired to give place to a 
constituent assembly, the latter — first-fruit as it was of universal suffrage 


[1848-1852 A.D.] 

and composed of members far too numerous (about nine hundred), wbo 
were scarcely known to each other and were seated for the first time in an 
assembly — gave proof of inexperience equal to that of the provisory govern- 
ment ; or rather it professed deep contempt for any political experience that 
had ever been gained. 

The constitution this body voted contained two noteworthy provisions, 
either of which would have been sufficient to destroy it: (1) Opposite 
the president of the republic was to be a single chamber called legislative, 
with no intermediary power between it and the president. This arrangement 
had already been tried by the provisions of the constitution of 1791. One 
single assembly had then destroyed the king ; this time it was the president 
who was to destroy the single assembly. (2) The election of the president 
of the republic was to be effected by universal suffrage ; what power was it 
possible for any assembly to possess in face of a president who held his office 
by virtue of a veritable plebiscite ? 

There remained one last folly to be committed, and that by the agency of 
universal suffrage. On the 10th of December, 1848, it elected as president 
Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. 

What happened had to happen — ; it was decreed on the 10th of December, 
1848. In just what manner it happened it is needless to detail. The coup 
d'itat of the 2nd of December, 1851, made the president who had been faith- 
less to his vow master of France. At first the nation had no other constitu- 
tion than the terror diffused by the Paris massacres and the bloody acts of' 
repression that took place throughout the provinces.^ When Louis Napoleon 
finally bethought himself of the necessity of providing a constitution (that 
of the 14th of January, 1852), he had but to seek inspiration in the example 
of his uncle. Just as under the first empire, there was appointed for leading 
f unctiojas a council of state ; next, ranking sufficiently rhigh, a senate ; and 
lastly a corps Ugislatif, which seemed to exist solely for show, composed as it 
was of members elected under pressure of the prefects, having no initiative 
in matters of law or of state finance and sitting under a president elected 
by the prince and ministers not responsible to it. All civil and military 
officials were obliged under pain of revocation to take an oath to the man 
who had violated his. Ten months had not elapsed after the proclamation 
of that constitution, before the senatus consult^ of the 7th of November, 1852, 
made the prince-president emperor of the French, a dignity which was con- 
firmed by the plebiscite of the 20th-21st of November. 


Naturally all liberties were suppressed. In the inatter of meetings and 
associations, Article 291 and the law of 1834 reappeared in vigour, and the 
press was subjected to the harshest rule it had known since the first empire. 
All rigours, fiscal, preventive, and repressive, were brought to bear upon it; 
a security of from 15,000 to 50,000 francs was demanded, and a stamp-tax of 
six centimes for Paris and three centimes for the provinces on every number 
of a newspaper. No orgaai could exist without " preliminary authorisation " 
by the government. Jurisdiction in press misdemeanors was withdrawn 
from the jury and given to criminal judges who held their office from the 
sovereign. Administrative repression was added to or supplemented judi- 
cial repression ; every newspaper that received two notices from the police 

1 T6not, Paris en Decembre 1851 et la province en Decembre 1851 / Victor Hugo, Histoire 
(fun Crime. 


[1863-1875 A.D.] 

within two years was immediately suppressed. Even books were made the 
subject of exceptional rules, L'histoire des princes de CondS, by the duke 
d'Aumale, being seized without process of law (1863). 

Such was the " authoritative empire " ; it subsisted until 1867. It would 
be idle and tedious to relate by what successive concessions on the part of 
the imperial power, made under pressure of political opinion that took its 
colour from the blunders of Mexico, Sadowa, etc., the "authoritative empire" 
was gradually transmuted to the liberal empire, that restored to the legisla- 
tive body many of its legitimate prerogatives ; softened the rule that bore so 
heavily on the press; took the risk even of authorising (by the enactment of 
June 6th, 1868) meetings that were non-political in character, and also of 
public meetings held in view of legislative elections. 

The, empire had been able to exist at all only on condition that the 
particulars concerning its origin should be kept from view ; the publication 
of the books by Tenot describing the violences that attended the coup d'Stat 
both in Paris and the provinces, and the wide diffusion of Victor Hugo's 
Napoleon le petit, together with his mighty poetical pamphlet, Les Ohdtiments, 
recalled to the old and revealed to the young in what waves of blood had 
been effaced the oath sworn to the republic by the president, Louis Napoleon. 
Thereafter every new form of liberty bestowed on the nation by the emperor 
awoke — not gratitude, but the determination to use it as an arm against 
him. Still it is probable that the second empire would have prolonged its 
existence by yet a few more years had it not ventured, by the declaration of 
war against Germany, to face a violent death. 


The trials that France underwent during the " terrible year " are too well 
known to need narration; no horrors were spared her, neither those of civil 
nor of foreign war. Borne down by disaster and by the weight of financial 
ruin precipitated by the demand of the invaders for five thousand millions of 
francs, the most diiBcult and complicated of all problems was the reorganisa- 
tion of the government. How the national assembly, elected on February 
8th, 1871, composed two-thirds of royalists, was ever brought to consent first 
to a "head of the executive power of the French Republic," then to a 
" president of the French Republic," and finally, even after the overthrow of 
M. Thiers, even under the presidency of Marshal MacMahon, to vote the 
republican constitution of February 25th, 1875, is a mystery that can be 
explained only by the force of circumstances. Certainly the royalists had 
the majority in the assembly ; but they were divided into two nearly equal 
camps, legitimists and Orleanists, who could never bring about a fusion 
between the two branches of the house of Bourbon. Henceforth the republic 
which, contrary to expectations, had offered for five months a resolute 
resistance to invasion, which had showed itself sufficiently powerful to quell 
an insurrection twenty times more redoubtable than those to which the 
monarchies had succumbed — the republic which had inspired Europe, the 
whole world in fact, with confidence sufficient to obtain for it the prodigious 
loans it needed for the liberation of its territories — the republic, we say, was 
looked on as the form of government most natural to the land, the one already 
firmly established there, antedating the national assembly itself. The 
complementary elections of July, 1871, and all the partial elections which 
followed, testified to the obstinate, unalterable attachment of the French 
people to the republican idea. Even the rash act of the assembly on the 


[1875 A.D.] 

24th of May, and later that of Marshal MacMahon, which seemed to place 
the question of a republic once more in the balance, served but to exalt the 
passion of democracy and galvanise republican energies. 

The constitution of 1875, gift of the national assembly to the republic, is, 
all things considered, the best that France has ever had. The country seems 
to have profited by the experience, favourable or the reverse, of the past, to 
steer safely past the reefs that wrecked the constitutions of 1791 and 1848. 
Like the constitutions of all the free peoples of Europe, this creation of the 
national assembly was plainly inspired by the old constitution of Great 
Britain; it also recalls the charter of 1830, but with an added democratic- 
republican character. Certain it is that the president of the republic, like 
Louis Philippe, " reigns but does not govern," and that like him also he has 
ministers who are responsible to the chambers. Of these chambers one is the 
product of universal suffrage and furnishes the motive power for the entire 
machinery of state, president and senate being but wheels to regulate the 
action. The senate is elected by a special body composed mainly of delegates 
from the different communes, which is why Gambetta called it the " grand 
council of the communes of France." Since the reforms effected in 1884 
there are no longer any life-senators, all being appointed for a term of nine 
years. No one of the great powers of the state can encroach upon the others. 
If a president violates his oath of office he can, by vote of the chamber, be 
impeached before the senate ; if the chamber shows a disposition to exceed 
its proper authority it can be dissolved by the president, with the affirmative 
vote of the senate. The senate enjoys the advantage of having its member- 
ship renewed only to the extent of one-third every third year, and con- 
sequently may be said to be a permanent assembly, whereas the oifice of 
president receives a new incumbent everj^ scA^en and the chamber entire new 
membership every, four y ears. Nevertheless this triennial change of personnel 
is quite sufficient to keep the senate within the bounds of its legitimate 

Such was at least the theory of the French constitution of 1875 ; but no 
constitution is worth more than the men who put it into practice. It is plain 
that if the chamber of deputies were made up from elections falsified under 
official pressure, by fraud at the ballot-boxes, or by general corruption; or if 
the senate, instead of being composed of picked men, as should be the case 
with any assembly of high functions, recruited its senators from among the 
miscellaneous candidates presented by universal suffrage or the ranks of 
village notabilities ; if on the occasion of a presidential election all candidates 
possessing high character or intelligence were carefully rejected — that 
constitution would be thrown out of gear in every cog. Not upon its authors 
could the blame be made to fall, but upon those who strove to disfigure and 
pervert the original conception. 

One reproach can be raised against the constitution of 1875 — it is based 
upon an English instead of an American prototype. Has not a great and 
prosperous republic like the United States offered the best model for the 
constitution of the most powerful democracy of the Old World ? Has not 
its type been adopted by all the republics, even the Latin, of the New World? 
This thesis has been sustained in France, particularly by M. Andrieux, former 
deputy from Lyons and prefect of police, who made it the object, in 1884, 
of a proposed law. The chief drawback to its adoption, however, seemed to 
be that France occupied a territory of only 525,000 square kilometres, while 
that covered by the United States is 9,354,000. Hence the France of to-day, 
product as it is of a thousand years of history, of the old regime, of the 


[1881-1901 A.D.] 

Revolution, of the Napoleonic empires, is a highly concentrated state, essen- 
tially a unit. It has reached this condition of unity by reason of its situa- 
tion in the midst of powerful neighbours, who all, at one time or another, 
have had to be resisted ; the United States, on the other hand, has no anxiety 
of war. From these observations certain consequences undeniably follow. 

We can still, however, envy the United States its Supreme Court, which 
guarantees to every citizen his essential rights in the face of any possible 
arbitrariness on the part of Congress or executive power. In the matter of 
our essential rights the law of July 29th, 1881, is all that can be desired as 
regards the press ; moreover, the law of June 30th, 1881, authorised all public 
meetings on presentation of a simple declaration signed by two citizens. 
Associations in the interests of public charities, commerce, or the sciences 
had long been allowed to form with perfect freedom, and the law of March 
21st, 1884, completely broke down all previous legislation in favour of asso- 
ciations having the character of syndics. Also the law of the 2nd of July, 
1901, would certainly have endowed France with the greatest possible liberty 
of association,^ if it had not borne so arbitrarily upon congregations. 

Save on this latter point it can be affirmed that French democracy, if by 
that term is understood the nation in its entirety and not a few detached 
revolutionary groups, has evolved in our more recent laws and constitution 
the most perfect of all political formulas. It seems indeed that the end of 
the mighty struggle begun in 1789 has been reached. A social system such 
as ours could hardly attain to a greater degree of liberty and equality ; it 
is rather in the matter of fraternity that there still remains something to 

Having set forth the political evolution that has taken place in France 
since 1815, 1 shall later show how society has become transformed during the 
same period. 

1 The law of the 2nd of July, 1901, abrogates not only articles 291 and following of the 
Penal Code and the law of 1834, but it repeals the act of March 14th, 1872, proscribing the 
Workers' International Union, Article 7 of the law of the 30th of June, 1881, forbidding dubs, 
the law of the 28th of July, 1848, prohibiting secret societies, etc. 


[1815-1824 A.D.] 

France had now struggled, suffered, and bled for five-and-twenty 
years, through a fearful revolution and ruinous wars ; and what were 
the results 1 Her enemies were in possession of her capital : all her 
conquests were surrendered ; and the Bourbons were restored to the 
throne of their ancestors. But these were not tlie only consequences of 
the late convulsions, to France or to Europe. France,, indeed, was 
governed by, another Bourbon king; but the ancien regime was no 
more : the oppressive privileges of feudalism had been abolished ; and 
a constitutional charter was granted by Louis XVIII. But all these 
benefits had been secured in the first two years of the Revolution, 
before the monarchy had been destroyed, without a reign of terror, 
and without desolating wars. She had gained nothing by her crimes, 
her madness, her sacrifices, and her sufferings, since the constitution 
of the 14th September, 1791. Upon Europe, the effects of the Revo- 
lution were conspicuous. The old regime of France was subverted ; 
and in most European states, where a similar system had been main- 
tained, since the Middle Ages, its foundations were shaken. The prin- 
ciples of the Revolution awakened the minds of men to political 
thought ; and the power of absolute governments was controlled by 
the force of public opinion. — Sib Thomas Ekskine Mat.* 


Nations are like men ; they have the same passions, vicissitudes, exagger- 
ations, indecisions, and uncertainties. That which is called public opinion 
in free governments is only the movable needle of the dial plate which marks 
by turns the variations in this atmosphere of human affairs. This instability 
is still more sudden and prodigious in France than in the other nations of 
the world, if we except the ancient Athenian race. It has become a proverb 
of Europe. 

The French historian ought to acknowledge this vice of the nation, whose 
vicissitudes he recounts, as he ought to point out its virtues. Even this 
instability belongs to a quality of the gr«at French race — imagination ; it 
forms part of its destiny. In its wars it is called impulse; in its arts, 
genius; in its reverses, despondency; in its despondency, inconsistency; and 



[1789-1815 A.D J 

in its patriotism, enthusiasm. It is the modern nation which has the most 
fire in its soul; and this fire is fanned by the wind of its mobility. We can- 
not explain, except by this character of the French race, those frenzies — 
which simultaneously seem to seize upon the whole nation after the lapse of 
some months — for principles, for men, and for governments the most opposed 
to each other. 

We are on the eve of one of those astonishing inconstancies of public 
opinion in France. Let us explain its causes : The gleam of those philo- 
sophical principles, the whole of which constitute what is called the. Revolu- 
tion, had nowhere, so much as in France, dazzled and warmed the souls of 
the people, at the end of the eighteenth century. At the voice of her writers, 
her orators, her tribunes, and her warriors, France took the initiative in the 
work of reformation, without considering what it would cost in fatigues, 
treasure, and blood, to renew her institutions, vitiated by the rust of ages, 
in religion, legislation, civilisation, and government. The throne had crum- 
bled amidst the tumult, pulled down like a counter-revolutionary flag raised 
in the midst of the Revolution. The country, however, was beginning to 
know itself, to purify itself, to constitute itself into a tolerant democracy 
under the republican government of the Directory, when Bonaparte, personi- 
fying at once in himself the usurpation of the army over the laws and the 
counter-revolution, violently interrupted, on the 18th Brumaire (November 
9th), the silent work of the new civilisation, which was elaborating and culling 
out the elements of the new order of things. To divert the nation's thoughts 
from its revolution he launched it and led it on to the conquest of Europe. 
He exhausted it of its blood and population, to prevent it from thinking and 
agitating under him. He had made it apostatise by his publicists, by his 
silent system, and by his police, from all the principles of its regeneration of 
1789. While he was hurling kings from their thrones, he declared himself 
the avenger and restorer of priesthoods and royalties. 

France had begun to breathe after his first fall in 1814. The charter 
had resumed the work of Louis XVI, and promulgated the principles of the 
constituent assembly. The Revolution had gone back to its first glorious 
days. It had no longer to apprehend either the intoxication of illusions, or 
the resistance of the church, of the court, of the nobility, or the crimes of 
the demagogues. 

The return of Bonaparte, thanks to the complicity of the army,^ had 
again interrupted this era of renovation, of peace, and of hope. This 
violence to the nation and to Europe had been punished by a second 
invasion, which humbled, ruined, and decimated France ; and even threat- 
ened to partition it into fragments. Bonaparte, in quitting his army after 
his defeat at Waterloo, and in abdicating, had carried away with him the 
responsibility of this disaster ; but he had left behind him the resentment of 
the nation against the army, against his party, his accomplices, and against 
his name. Everybody had a grievance, a resentment, a mourning, or a ruin 
to avenge upon this name of one man. The paroxysm of anger compressed 
by tlie presence of the army, by dread of the imperial police, and by the hope 
of a repetition of that glory with which he had for a moment fascinated 
France before Waterloo, burst forth from every heart, except those of his 
soldiers, immediately after his fall. Public opinion threw itself, without 

[1 Seignobos" speaks of "the Episode of the Hundred Days" which compassed Napoleon's 
return from Elba and his fall at Waterloo, as "nothing but a military revolt, a pronunciamento 
of the army of Napoleon." It must be remembered, however, that a very large part of the 
army did not respond to this call or take part in the last disaster.] 


[1815 A.D.] 

reflection, without foresight, and without discretion, into the opposite party 
in the elections. Public opinion in France, when irritated, listens neither 
to middle courses, nor to intrigues, nor to prudence ; it goes direct from 
one side to the other, like the ocean in its ebb and flow. This is the whole 
explanation of the elections of 1815, which sent up to the crown a chamber 
more counter-revolutionary than all Europe, and more royalist than the 


Louis XVIII, being too indifferent and too fond of repose to be vindictive, 
had re-entered the city with the disposition to be moderate ; that was also 
the attitude of the ministry which he had given himself. It was for the 
interest of Talleyrand and Fouche that there should be no reaction and 
the other ministers. Baron Louis, Pasquier, Marshal Gouvion-Saint-Cyr who 
had been chosen by the king because he had not rallied to Napoleon during 
the Hundred Days, were by character and reason opposed to all excess. 
But it soon became evident that the king would be powerless to keep the 
royalists within bounds and that the ministers would be left behind and 
disregarded. The new emigration was returning from Ghent eager for 
vengeance, and its friends in the interior had awaited no signal to let loose 
their rage against everything which in any way held to the Revolution or 
the empire. The ultras made Paris resound with their outbursts of shameful 
joy and insulted those in the street who would not join them, while the 
capital was at the same time brutally trodden under foot by foreigners. 
The royalist journals heaped abuse on the French army and spoke only of 
punishment and proscription. 

If the king and his ministers were unable to restrain the royalists, with 
still greater reason they were not in a condition to protect the city and 
country from the allied armies. The foreign occupation offered a sinister 
contrast to what it had been in 1814. It was Bliicher, the fiercest enemy of 
France, who with his Prussians occupied the interior of Paris, while the 
English were encamped in the Bois de Boulogne. The very evening of his 
re-entry Louis XVIII was warned that the Prussians were preparing to 
blow up the bridge of Jena, the name of which recalled their great disaster 
in 1806. In vain did the king have recourse to Wellington. The fierce 
Bliicher listened to no one. Fortunately the first explosion of the mines 
was not sufficient to overthrow the piles, and the arrival of the Russian and 
Austrian emperors with the king of Prussia on July 10th prevented Bliicher 
from recommencing. Emperor Alexander intervened ; the bridge was saved 
and the one hundred million francs which Bliicher proposed to demand of 
Paris, regardless of the capitulation, were reduced to eight. 

The presence of foreign rulers, while it encumbered Paris with new 
masses of troops, at least diminished somewhat the disorder caused by the 
occupation within the capital ; but without, the invaded departments were 
everywhere exposed to pillage. Never had the abuse of victory, with which 
the French had been accused in Germanj^ approached what took place in 
France. In the wars beyond the Rhine, Napoleon's severe character imposed 
a certain order even on the requisitions ; here the military chiefs, great and 
small, acted, each on his own account, like leaders of the old bands of invad- 
ing barbarians ; they plundered their hosts, despoiled cities and villages, laid 
hands on the public treasuries, and when the officials of the royal govern- 
ment tried to hinder their pillaging, they arrested them and sent them as 
prisoners across the Rhine. The Prussians put a feeling of implacable 


[1815 A.D.J 

vengeance into their excesses. But the violence and depredations of the 
Prussians were at least equalled by those who had nothing to avenge, by 
those Germans of the south, the Swabians (the inhabitants of Baden and 
Wiirtemberg) and Bavarians, who were now pillaging France in the name of 
the coalition as they had shortly before, in the name of France, pillaged 
Russia, Austria, and Prussia, much more violently than the French. Popular 
Russian tales of 1812 show what a diiference Russian peasants made between. 
French soldiers and the German allies of PVance. French peasants in de- 
spair responded here and there, as those of Russia had done, by sanguinary 
acts of retaliation and resorted to the woods to carry on a guerilla warfare. 

The numbers of the invaders increased daily. All the reserves of every 
country arrived on the scene. Germany especially passed over the Rhine as 
a whole to come and live at the expense of France. At one time there were 
as many as 1,240,000 soldiers on French territory. 

Emperor Alexander and the duke of Wellington, the one out of humanity, 
the other out of a spirit of discipline and fear of provoking a general uprising 
of the French people, tried to put an end to this immense disorder and, acting 
on their propositiom, the four great powers attempted to regulate the occu- 
pation by a convention agreed upon on the 24th of July. The danger of pro- 
voking France to desperation was very real. Besides the army of the Loire, 
the French had still several corps under arms, under Marshal Suchet and 
other generals. Free companies in the departments of the east were ener- 
getically harassing the enemy, and. most of the strongholds were still intact 
and maintained a threatening attitude. The defence of Hiiningen has 
become celebrated: General Barbanegre sustained a long siege in this little 
place with one hundred and thirty-five soldiers against twenty-five thousand 

The French army at'jthat.timc had been disbanded for fifteen days. The 
troops separated in a spirit of sad resignation, without attempting a resistance 
which would only have aggravated the misfortunes of their country. Thus 
came to an end the most illustrious army the modern world has ever seen. 
The royal ordinance which had dissolved the army had fixed the basis upon 
which a new army was to be organised. 

THE "WHITE terror" OF 1815 

In the meantime two-thirds of France was occupied by strangers and 
the part which was exempt from invasion was afllicted by another scourge, 
by a violent reaction. The triumphal return of the " usurper," the enforced 
submission to the restored empire, which had undergone feeble attempts at 
resistance, had aroused an ill^contained rage in the heart of the royalists of 
the south ; it broke out at the news of Waterloo. At Marseilles, beginning 
with the 25th of June, furious bands had pillaged several houses and massa- 
cred the owners who were partisans of tlie emperor. Others had thrown 
themselves on the poor quarter where lived a certain number of mamelukes, 
brought back from Egypt by Napoleon. These unfortunates were butch- 
ered together with their wives and children. 

From Marseilles the murders and conflagrations spread to Avignon, Car- 
pentras, Nimes, and Uzes. The 17th of July at Nimes a small garrison of 
200 men, very much hated by the ultras because they had kept up the tricol- 
oured flag until the 15th of July, capitulated before an urban and rural mob. 
Scarcely had the soldiers surrendered their arms, when the " royal volun- 
teers " shot them down at the end of the muzzle. Crowds of fanatics and 


[1816 A.D.] 

marauders overran the city during several days, plundering the houses of 
rich Protestants ; several were assassinated. 

Murder, devastation, and conflagration overflowed into the country; 
houses were burned, the olive trees and grape-vines of the " wrong think- 
ers " were cut down. The royal authorities were powerless or else in league 
with the movement. Hundre'ds of persons were arrested on all sides arbi- 
trarily by the marauding bands. The military commander and the under 
prefect at Uzes disgraced themselves by delivering up eight of their prison- 
ers to the chief of the assassins at Uzes, called Graffan, who had them shot 
without the form of a trial, after having massacred a certain number of the 
inhabitants in their homes. 

The reaction reunited all kinds of infamy; obscenity was joined to rapac- 
ity and ferocity. On the 15th of August, the day of the fSte of the Virgin, 
at Nimes the wives of the brigands who ruled in the department of the 
Gard dragged in the streets the Protestant women they could get hold of, 
subjecting them to the most dishonourable insults. 

The " White Terror " of 1815 exceeded in ignominy the reaction in 
Thermidor of the year III. It was not, as in the latter, crime against crime, 
terror after terror. The Hundred Days had seen neither bloodshed nor 
proscriptions, and the reactionary party of 1815 had nothing to avenge. 
The worst days of the League were recalled by the alliance of the ultra-aris- 
tocracy with the depraved, lazy, and sanguinary populace, which ferments 
under the feet of the real people, and which statisticians speak of as " the 
dangerous classes." 

Judiciary persecution was soon added to the massacres. The victims 
who had escaped the knife of the assassin were now to be confronted with 
the judges of the reaction. The king and the ministers were innocent of the 
riots and brigandage of the south, which they had not been able to prevent 
and which they had not the strength to chastise. They seem on the other 
hand to be responsible before history for the terrible succession of political 
trials which they ordained. There again, however, they endured rather 
than inspired to action ; not only the whole court, the whole royalist party, but 
even the foreign powers demanded imperiously that those who were called 
the " conspirators of March 20th " should be pursued to the utmost. An 
erroneous appreciation of the facts connected with the " return from the 
island of Elba " contributed much to incite the second restoration to those 
deeds of implacable vengeance which gave it such a sanguinary character. 
The foreigners, like the royalists, imagined that the 20th of March had been 
the result of an immense conspiracy embracing the whole army and most of 
the officials. That was the reason of the redoubling of envenomed hatred 
which the leaders of the coalition felt for th« French army. What had been 
pure impulse was taken to be the result of a plot, and it was not known that 
the only conspiracy which took place before the 20th of March had a wholly 
different aim than the re-establishment of the emperor. The foreigners had 
now but one idea, and that was to do away with Napoleon and the French 
army and to inspire the French military spirit with a terror, which as they 
said would insure the repose of Europe. 

While the prisons were filling up, while political trials were beginning 
on all sides, the constitutional government was being reorganised under bad 
auspices. The peerage was reconstituted by the nomination of ninety-four 
new peers and declared hereditary. The electoral colleges had been con- 
voked on August 14th. The ordinance of convocation established new 
rules provisionally. The colleges of the arrondissement were to present 



candidates and the colleges of the department were to name the deputies, 
half from among the candidates, half from their own free choosing. This 
was putting the election in the hands of the aristocracy. The age of eligi- 
bility was lowered to twenty-five years, that of the electorate to twenty- 
one, and the number of deputies increased from 253 to 402. All that 
concerned electoral conditions was to be submitted to revision by the legis- 
lative power. The elections were carried out everywhere under the 
influence of authorities dominated by the ultras and in the south at the point 
of the dagger. Massacre had begun again at Nimes on the eve of the elec- 
tions. It was found necessary to occupy four departments of the south with 
Austrian troops, at the moment when the Protestants were organising to 
resist the butchery and when civil war was on the point of succeeding 

The elections gave the majority to the ultras. The royal government 
was placed between the fury of its partisans, whom it could not control, 
and the menacing demands of the allies who humiliated and oppressed it. 
Louis XVIII had hoped that after the overthrow of the " usurper " Europe 
would maintain the treaty of May 30th, 1814, which was already so hard for 
France. He was very much mistaken. The foreigners, making light of their 
declarations and their promises, dreamed only of a new dismemberment and 
of the ruin of France.^ 

The ministry was at that moment very near its fall. Fouche was the 
first to be attacked. The ultras of the provinces had never accepted him, 
and those of the court, having no more need of him, abandoned him. Wel- 
lington's protection sustained him for some time ; but he soon felt the im- 
possibility of maintaining himself before the chambers. He resigned and 
accepted the insignificant post of minister of France at the court of the king 
of Saxony .2 

The whole ministry soon followed him. Furious counter-revolutionary 
addresses came from a large number of electoral colleges and from general 
and municipal councils which heralded the storm which would burst at the 
opening of the chambers. The king gave way to the current which was set- 
ting in against the ministry, without difficulty ; Talleyrand displeased him 
as much as Fouche, and, knowing him to be at variance with the emperor 
Alexander, he saw no reason for keeping him. Talleyrand, having offered 
his resignation and that of his colleagues more or less sincerely, the king 
took him at his word. This man, whose egoism had contributed to aggravate 
the ills of France, was to have nothing more to do with its affairs as long 
as the restoration lasted./ 


Along with Talleyrand there retired from the ministry Louis, Pasquin, 
Jaucourt, and Gouvion-Saint-Cyr. The ministry required to be entirely 
remodelled ; and the king, who had long foreseen the necessity of this 
step, and who was not sorry for an opportunity of breaking with his revolu- 
tionary mentors, immediately authorised Decazes, who had insinuated him- 
self into his entire confidence, to offer the place of president of the council, 
corresponding to the English premier, to the duke de Richelieu. 

[1 We have already seen in the preceding chapter the results of the treaties of 1815.] 
[^ Having accepted the trifling and distant embassy to Dresden, Fouohfe hastened to depart, 
and left Paris under a disguise which he only changed when he reached the frontier, fearful of 
being seen in his native land, which he was fated never again to behold. — Guizot.«] 


[1815 A.D.] 

Armand, duke de Richelieu, grand-nephew by his sister of the cardinal 
of the same name, was grandson of the marshal de Richelieu, so celebrated 
in the reign of Louis XV as the Alcibiades of France. When called to the 
ministry, in 1815, he was forty-nine years of age. Consumed from his earli- 
est years, like so many other great men, by an ardent thirst for glory, he had 
joined the Russian army in 1785, and shared in the dangers of the assault 
of Ismail under Suvaroff. When the French Revolution rent the nobles 
and the people of France asunder, he had hastened from the Crimea to join 
the army of the emigrant noblesse under the prince of Conde, and remained 
with it till the corps was finally dissolved in 1794. He had then returned 
to Russia. On the accession of Alexander, Richelieu was selected to carry 
into execution the philanthropic views which he had formed for the improve- 
ment of the southern provinces of his vast dominions. 

The progress of the province intrusted to his care was unparalleled, its pros- 
perity unbroken during his administration. To his sagacious foresight and 
prophetic wisdom Russia owes the seaport of Odessa, the great export town 
of its southern provinces, which opened to their boundless agricultural plains 
the commerce of the world. The French invasion of 1812 recalled him from 
his pacific labours to the defence of the countrj^, and he shared the intimacy 
and counsels of Alexander during the eventful years which succeeded, till 
the taking of Paris in 1814. Alternately at Paris, at Vienna, or at Ghent, 
he had represented his sovereign, and served as a link between the court of 
Russia and the newly established throne of Louis XVIII. 

His character qualified him in a peculiar manner for this delicate task, 
and now for the still more perilous duty to which he was called — that of 
standing, like the Jewish lawgiver, between the people and the plague. He 
was the model of the ancient French nobility, for he united in his person all 
their virtues, and he was free from their weaknesses. He was considered, 
alike in the army and in diplomatic circles at home and abroad, as the most 
pure and estimable character that had arisen during the storms of the Revo- 
lution. His fortunate distance from France during so long a period at once 
preserved him from its dangers, and caused him to be exempt from its delu- 
sions. His talents were not of the first order, but his moral qualities were 
of the purest kind.fl' 

Treaty of 1815 

The first duty of the new minister was to negotiate the treaty with the 
enemy which was signed on November 20th, 1815. The conditions of 
the treaty, unfortunately agreed to beyond the necessity of the case, by the 
pliancy of Talleyrand, and the impatience of the court for the throne at any 
price, were, however, modified within limits which a statesman might, with- 
out being satisfied, submit to. Richelieu, in despair at not being able to 
obtain more advantageous conditions, still considered them too unfavourable, 
and obstinately refused to sign them. The king, who saw the chambers, 
then about to open, disposed to call him to account for his sterile inter- 
vention for the pacification of the country, and who saw on the other 
side Austria, Prussia, Holland, and the powers of the Rhine crushing 
his people under the devastations of 800,000 men, sent for the duke de 
Richelieu, one night, by Decazes, and, bedewing the hand of his prime min- 
ister with tears, implored him for the sacrifice which is dearest to a man of 
honour — that of his name. The duke de Richelieu went away, moved 
and vanquished by this conference with his unhappy master, and signed the 


[1815 A.D.] 

This treaty left France in possession of its frontiers of 1790, as we have 
seen, with the exception of some unimportant portions of territory enclosed 
within other states, and of Savoy, a conquest of the Revolution which had 
been respected by the treaty of 1814. It imposed an indemnity to Europe 
of 700,000,000 francs for the last war commenced by Napoleon, an armed 
occupation for five years of 150,000 men, the generalissimo of which was 
to be nominated by the allied powers, and the fortress to be delivered up to 
this garrison of security. This occupation might terminate in three years, if 
Europe considered France sufficiently pacified to offer it moral guarantees of 
tranquillity. The prisoners of war were to be given up, and the liquidation 
of the 700,000,000 indemnity was to be effected day by day. Besides this war 
indemnity, France recognised the principle of the indemnities to be assigned 
after its liquidation to each power for the ravages, the requisitions, or the 
confiscations that each of these states had sustained, during the last wars, 
by the occupation of the French armies. France was further burdened with 
the pay and the subsistence of the 150,000 men of the army of occupation, left 
by the allied powers upon its territory. The national penalty incurred by 
France for Napoleon's return from Elba was, in money, about 1,500,000,000 
francs ; in national strength, its fortresses ; in bloodshed in the field, 60,000 
men ; and in honour, the disbanding of its army, and a foreign garrison to keep 
a close watch over an empire in chains. This is what the last aspiration of 
Bonaparte to the throne and to glory cost his country. Eleven hundred and 
forty thousand foreign soldiers were at that moment trampling under foot 
the soil of France.** 


Among the distinguished victims of royalist fury were Marshal Brune, 
who was assassinated while on his way to Paris to swear allegiance, and 
Colonel Labedoyere, whose defection at Grenoble had admitted Napoleon to 
France from Elba, and who, refusing the opportunities proffered him for 
escape, was tried and condemned by judges who wept while they condemned 
him. His last words were, " Fire, my friends," to the soldiers who shot him. 
The next victim of high distinction was Ney, who had also gone over to 
Napoleon after joining Louis XVIII. Immediately after the capitulation of 
Paris he had made his escape with a false name and false passport, but re- 
turned and was arrested at the chateau of Bossonis, among the mountains of 
Cantal. Curiously enough, he was discovered by means of a Turkish sabre 
of peculiar form and exquisite workmanship, a present from Napcdeon, which 
he had carelessly left on a table in the salon of the chateau. General Mon- 
cey refused to preside at the military trial, and was imprisoned for three 
months. Richelieu then accused Ney of treason before the chamber of 
Peers, in spite of the capitulation of Paris which promised amnesty for all 
who took part in the Hundred Days. Ney himself declared : " The article 
was so entirely protective that I relied on it ; but for it, can anyone believe 
that I would not have died, sword in hand! " The peers disclaimed the 
capitulation concluded between foreign generals and a provisional govern- 
ment to which the king was a stranger. As a last resort, Ney's counsel 
pleaded that he was no longer a Frenchman, his birthplace having been 
detached from France by a recent treaty, but Ney checked him exclaim- 
ing : "I am a Frenchman and will die a Frenchman. I am accused in 
breach of the faith of treaties, and I imitate Moreau. I appeal from Europe 
to posterity." 


[1815 A.D.] 

He was nevertheless condemned to die. When his death-warrant was 
read with its long preamble and his many titles, as duke of Elchingen and 
prince of the Moskova, he broke forth : " Come to the point ! say simply 
Michel Ney soon a little dust." Importunate appeals were made to the 
king, and even to the duke of Wellington, for a commutation of the capital 
penalty, but in vain.« 

He was not taken to the usual place for military executions (the plain of 
Grenelle) because a popular rising was feared. They took him from the 
Luxembourg, where he had been imprisoned, to the avenue de I'Observa- 
toire. A platoon of veterans awaited him there, on the spot where his 
statue stands to-day. The marshal cried, " I protest before my country 
against the judgment which condemns me, I appeal to posterity and God. 
Vive la France ! " Then, putting his hand on his breast, he called in as firm 
a voice as though commanding a charge, "Soldiers, straight to the heart." 

The commanding officer, awestruck, horrified, had not courage to give 
the word. A courtier, a colonel on the staff, took his place. The marshal 
fell riddled with balls (December 7th, 1815). Ney's appeal to posterity 
has been heard. France has never pardoned the murder of this hero. / 

The death of Ney was one of the greatest faults that the Bourbons ever 
committed. His guilt was self-evident ; never did criminal more richly 
deserve the penalties of treason. Like Marlborough, he had not only 
betrayed his sovereign, but he had done so when in high command, and 
when, like him, he had recently before been prodigal of protestations of 
fidelity to the cause he undertook. His treachery had brought on his coun- 
try unheard-of calamities — defeat in battle, conquest by Europe, the 
dethronement and captivity of its sovereign, occupation of its capital and 
provinces by 1,100,000 armed men, contributions to an unparalleled amount 
from its suffering people. Double treachery had marked his career ; he had 
first abandoned in adversity his fellow-soldier, benefactor, and emperor, to 
take service with his enemy, and, having done so, he next betrayed his trust 
to that enemy, and converted the power given him into the means of de- 
stroying his sovereign. If ever a man deserved death, according to the laws 
of all civilised countries — if ever there was one to whom continued life 
would have been an opprobrium — it was Ney. But all that will not justify 
the breach of a capitulation. He was in Paris at the time it was concluded 

— he remained in it on its faith — he fell directly under its word as well as 
its spirit. To say that it was a military convention, which could not tie up 
the hands of the king of France, who was no party to it, is a sophism alike 
contrary to the principles of law and the feelings of honour. If Louis 
XVIII was not a party to it, he became such by entering Paris, and resum- 
ing his throne, the very day after it was concluded, without firing a shot. 
The throne of the Bourbon-s would have been better inaugurated by a deed 
of generosity which would have spoken to the heart of man through every 
succeeding age, than by the sacrifice of the greatest, though also the most 
guilty, hero of the empires' 

Two other generals, Mouton-Duvernet and Chartrand, who had aided 
Napoleon's re-entry to Italy, were executed, and Lavalette, who in Alison's fl' 
phrase " was in civil administration what Marshal Ney had been in military 

— the great criminal of the Hundred Days," and whose seizure of the post- 
office had been of greatest assistance to Napoleon, was also condemned, but 
escaped from prison in his wife's clothes and made his way out of the country 
with the aid of three Englishmen who underwent three months' imprisonment 
for their chivalry. « 

H. w. — VOL. xni. 


[1815 A.D.] 

It is fitting to speak here of the catastrophe which terminated the days 
of another of the most illustrious companions of Bonaparte's exploits. King 
Joachim Murat had taken refuge in France, during the Hundred Days, and 
after the failure of his expedition against Austria. He had not advanced 
nearer than Provence, when the battle of Waterloo condemned him to a life 
of exile. After having been twenty times on the point of being arrested, he 
managed to embark for Corsica. The welcome he received in that island 
raised his confidence to too high a degree. He dared to entertain the idea 
of once more ascending the throne of Naples. He set out on this expedition 
with two hundred and fifty men and six ships. On his way to Naples he 
met with much disloyalty and received sinister warnings. His resolution 
wavered ; he would have liked to disembark at Trieste and place himself 
Tinder the protection of Austria, who had offered him hospitality, but' con- 
trary winds and also perhaps treacherous advice prevented him from doing 
this. On October 8th, 1815, he landed at Pizzo, in Calabria, with forty 
followers. He was the first to leap ashore, was recognised by some peasants, 
and at first was received with interest. He asked for a guide to conduct 
him to Monteleone, and a soldier offered his services ; but the so-called guide 
was none other than the colonel of the armed police, who intended to deliver 
him up to the king. At a certain spot the colonel made a sign to a band of 
peasants, who fell on Murat and his companions. Murat, after some resist- 
ance, sacrificed himself in order to save his friends from the fury of the 
crowd. Soon a military commission condemned this marvellously intrepid 
captain to be shot, and he underwent the penalty in that same country where 
he had so long exercised royal authority. a 


The chambers, which had been convoked in August, met at Paris, Octo- 
ber 16th, 1815. The chamber of deputies, which included an immense 
majority of royalists, decided on making no compact, and having no trans- 
actions with either Bonapartists or Revolutionists. Laine was elected 
president. Louis XVIII, seeing it more royalist than he had imagined, 
christened it by a name it retained — La Chnmhre Introuvable.^ 

It began by making exceptional or emergency laws. It forbade seditious 
cries ; suspended, in certain cases, individual liberty. It instituted, on the 
5th of December, courts of provosts, composed of a military provost assisted 
by five civil judges, who went wherever troubles arose, to judge the authors 
of them summarily. Liberal writers, in protesting against these severities, 
are wrong in trying to make the chamber of 1815 responsible for the sad 
conditions which it had not caused. It had, moreover, merits with which it 
should be credited, combining a fierce independence with pitiless honesty. 
It abolished divorce, which was struck out of the civil code. It opposed 
excess of centralisation and all that was contrary to true liberty. 

[1 The chambers opened on October 7th. Louis XVIII, on learning that the elections had 
been entirely "royalist," had at first appeared very -well content thereat, and had let fall a 
remark which became celebrated : " We have found a ckambre introuvable." He very soon had 
cause to regret having " found " it, and the name has had a very different meaning in history 
than the one he gave it. — Martin,/' The play on v7ords is hard to transfer to English. In 
effect Louis XVIII said : " We have found (trouvi) the thing unflndable (introuvable)," that is, 
a completely royalist chamber in Revolutionary France.] 


[1815 A.D.J 

The chamber of 1815 did not limit itself to reclaiming for the clergy neces- 
sary guarantees and influence. It showed an intemperance in religious zeal 
that alarmed many. Not content with taking the part, to a legitimate extent, 
of the men set aside by the Revolution, it appeared animated by a desire of 
assuring domination to one class to the prejudice of all others. It did not 
haggle, however, concerning the increased taxes that the cost of the war and 
the treaty had rendered inevitable, and it created a sinking fund that would 
some day render these taxes unnecessary. It recognised all public debts 
without regard to their origin, in spite of opposition from an obstinate 
faction. The session ended April 25th, 1816, the ministry feeling itself 
incompetent to act with a chamber it could not control. In this chamber 
was a group of not inconsiderable men, strangers at first to one another, but 
tending to unite in forming a constitutional party. The principal were 
Pasquier, Serre, Barante, Beugnot, Simeon, Saint-Aulaire, Royer-CoUard, 
and Camille Jordan. Although reduced to lie low and adapt themselves to 
circumstances, reckoning on the passions of those among whom they were 
thrown, they sought nevertheless to establish the doctrines of parliamentary 
government conforming to the charter — efforts which gained them the title 
of doctrinaires. i 


From this moment were formulated the two opposing doctrines which 
will reappear in the time of Louis Philippe under the name of " constitu- 
tional monarchy " and " parliamentary government." The " constitutional " 
doctrine recognises in the king the right to choose his ministers according 
to his pleasure, even against the will of the chamber, provided that they do 
not govern contrary to the constitution ; it leaves him master of the execu- 
tive power, the only real force, and by consequence master of the country ; 
the chambers have no other hold over him than the illusory right to bring the 
ministers to trial for violation of the constitution. The "parliamentary" 
doctrine declares the king obliged to take his ministers from the majority ; 
it places the executive power under the domination of the parliament, who 
may compel its withdrawal by a vote of want of confidence ; it indirectly 
transfers the sovereignty to the chamber. In 1 816 the ultra-royalists were sup- 
porting the doctrine of the rights of the parliament against the king, and the 
liberals were defending the king's prerogatives against the royalists. 

On the electoral question the ultras demanded election by two stages, in 
the canton and the department, and for the electors of the canton the lower- 
ing of the qualification to fifty francs ; that is to say the extension of the 
suffrage to nearly two millions of electors; they demanded a numerous 
chamber and the complete renewal of the chamber at the end of five years. 
The king and the liberal minority wished to preserve direct election by a 
very restricted electoral body (less than 100,000 electors), while exacting 
a qualification of three hundred francs in taxes; they demanded partial 
renewal and a reduction of the number of deputies. The electoral law 
proposed by the ultras was voted by the chamber and rejected by the 
chamber of peers (March- April, 1816). The ultras also wished to diminish, 
the power of the prefects and to give the local administration to the land- 
owners. The liberals defended the centralisation created by the empire. 

Thus the roles seemed reversed; it was the party of the old regime- 
which wished to weaken the king to the profit of the parliament, to enlarge 
the electoral body and to increase local self-government ; it was the liberal 
party which was supporting the king's supremacy, the power of the prefects. 


[1816 A.D.] 

and the limitation of the suffrage. The fact was the parties regarded the 
political mechanism solely as an instrument for securing power for them- 
selves and were less anxious about the form of government than the direc- 
tion given to politics : the ultras wished to restore the power to the rural 
nobility, who, through the fifty-franc electors, would have been masters of the 

chamber, in order to re-establish an 
aristocratic regime; theliberals were 
anxious to preserve the supremacy 
to the king, the prefects, and the 
three-hundred-franc electors, be- 
cause they were known to be favour- 
able to the maintenance of the social 
order to which the Revolution had 
given birth. 

Louis XVIII, supported by the 
foreign governments, retained his 
ministers and resisted the chamber; 
he began by closing the session 
(April, 1816) and, without again 
convoking it, dissolved it in Sep- 
tember. For the future chamber the 
ordinance of dissolution re-estab- 
lished the number of 258 deputies 
as in 1814. The king, by a simple 
ordinance, changed the composition 
of the chamber; it was a coup d'Stat, 
analogous to that of 1830. To make 
sure of the chamber of peers he 
created new peers, ex-generals and 
officials of the empire. During this 
struggle between the king and the 
chamber, the party of the tricolour 
flag, reduced to nine deputies, had 
taken no direct action. The plots 
to overturn the monarchy (Didier's at Grenoble, the "patriots'" at Paris) 
were merely isolated attempts unknown to the party or disavowed by it.c 

Louis XVIII 

THE COUP d'etat OV SEPTEMBER 5th, 1816 

The king had finally made up his mind. The secret was well guarded. 
A royal ordinance published September 5th, 1816, surprised the ultras like 
a thunderbolt. It declared that none of the articles of the charter under 
discussion should be revised and that the chamber was dissolved. To the 
cries of fury that rose from the aristocratic faubourg Saint- Germain, 
responded an explosion of public joy that recalled the 9th Thermidor; 
people kissed each other in the streets. In the ensuing elections a majority 
of the upper middle class and of the officials replaced the majority of grands 
seigneurs of the old regime and the provincial nobles who had dominated 
the chambre introuvable. The attempt at restoring the old regime had 
miscarried ; what followed was a first attempt at a bourgeois monarchy 
by an understanding between the bourgeoisie and the legitimatists./ 

It is worthy of observation how early the French nation, after they had 
attained the blessing, had shown themselves unfitted, either from character 


I1B15-1816 A.D.] 

or circumstances, for the enjoyment of constitutional government. After 
the overthrow of Napoleon, scarcely a year had passed which was not 
marked by some coup d'Stat, or violent infringement, by the sovereign,, 
of the constitution. The restoration of the Bourbons in 1815 was imme- 
diately attended by the creation of sixty peers on the royalist side, and- 
the expulsion of as many from the democratic ; this was followed, withirt 
four years, by the creation of as many on the liberal. The whole history 
of England prior to 1832 could only present one instance of a similar 
creation, and that was of twelve peers only, in 1713, to carry through the 
infamous project of impeaching the duke of Marlborough. It was threatened 
to be repeated, indeed, during the heat of the reform contest ; but the wise 
advice of the duke of Wellington prevented such an irretrievable wound 
being inflicted on the constitution. The French chamber of deputies was 
first entirely remodelled, and 133 new members added to its numbers, by 
a simple royal ordinance in 1815 ; and again changed — the added members 
being taken away, and the suffrage established on a uniform and highly 
democratic basis — by another royal ordinance, issued, by the sole authority 
of the king, the following year. Changes, on alternately the one side or 
the other, greater than were accomplished in England by the whole legis- 
lature in two centuries, were carried into execution in France in the very 
outset of its constitutional career, by the sole authority of the king, in two 

What is still more remarkable, and at first sight seems almost unaccount- 
able, every one of those violent stretches of regal power was done in the inter- 
est, and to gratify the passions, of the majority at the moment. The royalist 
creation of peers in 1815, the democratic addition of sixty to their numbers 
in 1819, the addition of 133 members to the chamber of deputies in the first 
of these years, their withdrawal, and the change of the electoral law by the 
coup d'etat of September 5th, 1816, were all done to conciliate the feelings, 
and in obedience to the fierce demand, of the majority. That these repeated 
infringements of the constitution in so short a time, and in obedience to 
whatever was the prevailing cry of the moment, would prove utterly fatalto 
the stability of the new institutions, and subversive of the growth of any- 
thing like real freedom in the land, was indeed certain, and has been abun- 
dantly proved by the event. 

But the remarkable thing is that, such as they were, and fraught with 
these consequences, .they were all loudly demanded by the majority; and 
the power of the crown was exerted only to pacify the demands which in 
truth it had not the means of' 

The royal ordinance of September 5th dissolving the chambre introuv- 
ahle also announced that another chamber, less numerous, composed of only 
250 deputies, would be immediately elected by the electoral corporations. A 
provisionary electoral law, the work of Laine, who had replaced Vaublanc as 
minister of the interior, fixed the bounds of the departments, of which the 
numbers were diminished. Deputies were required to be at least forty years 
of age, and their taxes must amount to 1,000 francs. The measure was a bold 
one. It caused great excitement among the ultras, and was the stibject of 
violent recriminations, above all from Chateaubriand,'" who had constituted 
himself the mouthpiece of the Bourbons in his work " La Mbnarchie selon. 
la Charte" but who mingled with very exalted ideas concerning constitu- 
tional government equally absurd ones born of an ill-regulated imagination. 
However, his exaggerations often missed their aim. The royalist party 
remonstrated and submitted. 


[1816-1818 A.D.J 
THE NEW CHAMBER (1816-1818) 

The new chamber opened its session on the 4th of November, 1816. 
Many members of the preceding one were there, but the general feeling was 
3no longer the same. The doctrinaires, on whom Decazes relied, returned 
/stronger and better grouped. 

The first law to be made was an electoral one. Laine presented a 
project which would abolish the two degrees of election ; establish direct 
^election by all tax-payers paying three hundred francs taxes, and substitute 
for a general election renewal by one-fifth. The charter declared, without 
directly specifying anything, that all tax -payers paying three hundred francs 
might be electors. The object of the law was to create an important electoral 
body to the number of about 100,000 members possessing guarantee of 
fortune, conservative interest and intelligence generally, of what was called 
the middle class, in contradistinction to the aristocracy. By this partial 
renewal they hoped, by keeping the chamber au courant with the changes 
of public opinion, to avoid those brusque changes which might agitate the 
country and transform legislative spirit too suddenly. 

After a discussion, the details of which furnish curious reading to-day, 
showing how very different ideas on this subject were in those days, the law 
was passed in both chambers, but by a very feeble majority (January 30th, 

The financial scheme of Corvetto was voted. Opponents were quieted 
by the grant of 4,000,000 francs to the clergy as compensation for the forest 
land which it was wished to give as pledge for a loan. The budget, com- 
piled with great care and resting on a large sinking fund, assured the finan- 
cial future of the country. Credit, until that time paralysed, again revived. 
The dividends rose from fifty-four to sixty francs, and a loan, the most con- 
siderable ever raised, was obtained to hasten the liberation of state lands. 
"The foreign houses of Baring and Hope undertook it, at the rate of fifty-five 
francs. No banks in France were at that time sufficiently powerful to do 
this alone. 

Order and calm seemed to be re-established. But the inclemency of the 
weather and a very bad harvest caused profound misery. There were dis- 
turbances in several market towns, but no serious trouble occurred except at 
itiyons, where three assassinations took place on the same day, June 8th, and 
'these, coinciding with risings in several neighbouring villages, were taken 
as a signal for revolt. The authorities, however, who were quite ready, had 
^foreseen the disorders and took vigorous measures. The national guard 
was disarmed. The court of provosts pronounced many condemnations. 
The elections of 1817 brought to the chamber a group of liberals, such as 
Laffitte, Voyer d'Argenson, Dupont de I'Eure, and Casimir Perier. They 
were dubbed " the independents." The important question of this session 
was the re-organisation of the army. Marshal Gouvion-Saint-Cyr, having 
Tcplaced the duke de Feltre as minister of war (because the latter was lack- 
ing in initiative) made an excellent law which became the base of the French 
Jinilitary system. This law consisted of three parts : (1) forced recruit- 
'ment ; (2) a reserve made up of former sub-officers ; (3) fixed rules for 
promotion. Gouvion-Saint-Cyr defended his law with vigour and obtained 
a complete success. The chambers joined with him in the homage he ren- 
■dered the French troops — homage which the marshals supported with their 
authority and Chateaubriand with his eloquence. It was really a reconcilia- 
tion of the Restoration and the army. It was also a decisive step towards 


[1818 A.D.] 

removing foreign troops which were no longer necessary to defend France 
against herself. 

The chambers approved, moreover, the figure at which foreign credit had 
been regulated by diplomacy. Richelieu had long had a fixed idea — that of 
obtaining the evacuation before the five years which had been stipulated for 
in the treaty of 1815. Thanks to his activity, the sovereigns, united in con- 
ference at Aachen, (Aix-la-Chapelle), signed, on the 9th of October, a dec- 
laration announcing the departure of their troops for the 30th of November. 
A loan of 141,000,000 francs, issued at sixty-seven per cent, and raised by 
public subscription, allowed the indemnities to be paid. 

Richelieu now considered his task ended, and thought only of retiring. 
When the elections of November, 1818, returned La Fayette, Manuel, and 
other liberals of the Hundred Days, he was alarmed at the results of the elec- 
toral law, and resolved to change it. But after vain efforts to find colleagues 
and draw up a common programme, he retired on the 2nd of December. He 
was succeeded by Decazes who composed a ministry of constitutionalists. A 
remarkable journalistic war ensued.* 


Decazes, so hostile to the ultras, was not a liberal. He was the man of 
that system of balance (bascule') or the " see-saw," as it has been called, which 
consists in keeping the balance between parties and in giving the government 
the greatest possible authority but using it with caution./ 

Decazes saw himself more involved with the liberals than he wished to be, 
and these became exacting. The royalists, even such moderates as Laine and 
Roy, gave him little sympathy. They were alarmed at seeing successive elec- 
tions introduce into parliament men who, while professing attachment to the 
Bourbons, put certain absolute principles above fidelity to their king. 

The chamber of peers pronounced in favour of the re-establishment of the 
electoral law of two degrees. Decazes, still using his ministerial prerogative, 
on the 6th of March formed a batch of sixty-one new peers, of whom half were 
chosen from among the peers unseated in 1815, or from the marshals, gener- 
als, and ministers of the empire. Thus he re-opened the doors of government 
to the most noted men who had been excluded, and so tried to bring about a 
reconciliation between the parties. The ministry passed several laws that 
were liberal enough, among others three laws regarding the press, which are 
still the basis of actual French laws, although experience has since shed light 
on many points. The Restoration arrived at the happy resalt of doing away 
with exceptional laws — a result which no government had before obtained. 
While giving proof of liberalism the ministry, nevertheless, on certain points 
made a firm stand against revolutionary exactions, stoutly rejecting an organ- 
ised petition for the recall of regicides and exiles. 

Thus in spite of apparent agitations — the necessary consequence of a free 
government — in spite of frequent struggles between the tribune and the press, 
in spite of a certain re-awakening of parties and a spirit of fermentation 
reigning in the schools, France had a renascence to prosperity. One could 
look forward with more confidence to the future. The budget was sound. 
With the abandonment of exceptional laws revolutionary traces began to 
disappear. The new laws seemed to echo public wishes ; minds gradually 
became habituated to a free government. The certitude of order, the free- 
ing of lands, the re-opening of foreign markets, all tended to prosperity. 
Work abounded. Agriculture and industry took a new flight, putting to 


[1819-1820 A.D.] 

full use scientific discoveries and particularly that of steam. The move- 
ment which was taking place was analogous to that of the first days of the 
consulate. Decazes reinstated on a wider basis councils to discuss agri- 
culture, manufactures, and commerce generally. He opened an industrial 
exhibition, and at the same time an exhibition of painting. Strangers 
flocked to Paris, especially the English. 

The elections of 1819 were, like the preceding ones, favourable to the 
liberals. The return of the regicide abbd Gregoire for Grenoble by a ma- 
noeuvre hostile to the ministry caused a scandal. The deputies, however, 
took advantage of the irregularity of the election to refuse admission to the 


Matters stood thus, when, on the 13th of February, 1820, the duke de 
Berri [the second in succession to the crown] was assassinated by a fanatic 
named Louvel as he was coming from the opera. This frightful crime stupe- 
fied people generally, and produced an outburst of royalist fury.* 

In the midst of the general confusion, those even who must have been 
the most deeply affected by it, sought to find the triumph of their party in 
this outrage. From early the following morning, Decazes, the principal 
author of the unpopular decree of September 5th, was spoken of in most 
severe terms. He was blamed, as minister of the interior, and therefore 
responsible for the safety of the state, for not having kept watch over the 
dangers which surrounded the prince. One of the daily newspapers, Le 
Drapeau llano, hurled the most abominable accusations against the minister. 
The assassination of the prince was, represented as the result of a vast con- 
spiracy covering the whole of Europe, which was in favour of a policy bene- 
ficial to the enemies of royalty. They pretended that his royal highness, 
the duke de Berri, had fallen a victim to the aversion he had always shown 
to a policy which insured neither the honour nor the safety of his family. 
On the benches of the Left, the sorrow was great ; a presentiment of the 
fatal consequence to liberty was added to the horror of the crime. 

M. Clausel de Coussergues ascended the tribune and in a loud voice 
uttered these words : " Gentlemen, there is no law referring to the mode of 
accusing ministers, but the nature of such an act warrants its taking place 
in a public meeting and before the representatives of France ; I propose 
therefore before the chamber, the impeachment of M. Decazes, minister of 
the interior, as accomplice in the assassination of his royal highness, the 
duke de Berri, and I claim permission to explain my proposition." A cry 
of indignation broke out from every part of the house. De Labourdonnaie 
ascended the tribune and in his turn said that he could only see the instru- 
ment of an infamous party in the obscure assassin, who without personal 
hatred, without ambition, had struck down the descendant of kings — him 
whose duty it was to continue the race ; this deed being committed with 
the intention, openly admitted, of preventing its perpetuation. He asked 
for strong measures to destroy in its infancy such execrable fanaticism, and 
once more to stifle the revolutionary spirit which an iron hand had sup- 
pressed for so long ; the unscrupulous writers whose unpunished doctrines 
had provoked the most odious crimes should be especially severely dealt 

In the meanwhile the chiefs of the liberal party came to hear of the 
sombre agitation which reigned at court. They felt torn between the hor- 


[1820-1821 A.D.] 

ror of the exceptional laws and the fear of seeing the fall of a minister, 
victim of his devotion to the charter. The duke de Richelieu obstinately 
refused the court's appeal to re-enter the ministry. He was more hurt than 
anyone at the charges made against a young minister of whose goodness of 
heart he was thoroughly convinced. 

This heart-breaking state of affairs seemed likely to prolong itself. 
Decazes insisted upon retiring ; the king conferred a dukedom upon him, 
and made him ambassador to London. The duke de Richelieu's resistance 
was overcome ; and he was again nominated president of the council, but 
would not accept any particular department. 'i 

From this moment the liberal party loses the direction of affairs. Power 
is going to pass into the hands of royalists, and France, attacked almost con- 
tinuously by a series of anti-national measures, destroying its liberty, will 
not emerge from the retrograde path into which a rash hand has thrust her 
except in overturning the throne upon the torn charter. 


The largest part of Europe was at that time in a state of violent effer- 
vescence and the celebrated prediction, " The French Revolution will make 
the round of the world," was being fulfilled, i 

A revolution at the same time burst out in Spain. Ferdinand, the basest 
of poltroons and crudest of tyrants, had refused the reforms he had sworn to 
introduce. The constitution of 1812 (an imitation of the French constitu- 
tion of 1791) was proclaimed. The example was followed by Naples, which 
had a similar king to complain of. The states of the church threw off the 
hated yoke of the cross-keys and the three-crowned hat, and Benevento and 
Pontecorvo declared themselves republics. Piedmont was not left behind 
in its fight for freedom (1820). A cry was heard even at the extreme east 
of Europe foi: a new life and a resuscitation of ancient glories. It came 
from Greece, which for centuries had been trampled down by the brutal and 
utterly irreclaimable Turks ; and, in fact, an outcry for change and improve- 
ment arose from all the nations which had aided or even wished the fall of 
Napoleon. The countrymen of Miltiades were favourably regarded, or at 
least not forcibly repressed, by the classical potentates — who, besides, were 
not displeased at the commencement of the dismemberment of Turkey; but 
the Neapolitans, Romans, and Piedmontese had no dead and innocuous 
Demosthenes to plead their cause, and the armies of Austria were employed 
in extinguishing the hopes of freedom from Turin to Naples.* 

In France individual liberty was suspended, the censorship re-established, 
and the " double vote " instituted in order to make political influence pass 
into the hands of the large land-owners who voted twice, with the depart- 
ment and the arrondissement. The birth of the duke de Bordeaux, posthu- 
mous son of the duke de Berri (Sept. 29th, 1820), and the death of Napoleon 
(May 5th, 1821), augmented the hopes of the ultra-royalists, which brought 
Villele and Corbiere into the ministry.^ 


At the same time an occult power was taking hold of the court, of the 
chambers, and of all branches of public administration. 

For ten years men of sincere piety like Montmorency and the abbe 
Legris-Duval had formed an influential society in France, whose primary 


[1815-1822 A.D.] 

object had been to perform good works and acts prescribed by a fervent 
devotion. The Restoration opened the political field for their society, which, 
imbued with the ultramontane and other royalist principles under the pat- 
ronage of Polignac and Riviere, became the most redoubtable obstacle to the 
ministries of Decazes and Richelieu. Generally designated by the name of 
"Congregation," it allied itself with the Jesuits. The latter, not being 
allowed to live in France in the capacity of members of their order, again 
established their power in the state under the name of "Fathers of the 

From the moment when they began to direct the Congregation, intrigue 
exercised a sovereign influence over it and a crowd of ambitious men made 
their way into it. Montrouge, whither the Jesuits had transferred the place 
of residence for their novices, became the centre for all the schemes of the 
court and church against the charter and French institutions. The Jesuits 
had powerful supporters even in the royal family; and Louis XVIII, con- 
stantly assailed by petitions in their favour, consented to tolerate them, 
although without recognising their existence as legal. The Jesuits founded 
schools called petitg seminaires, in which children of the most distinguished 
families of the realm were placed ; they dominated the court, the church, the 
majority in the chamber. Missionaries, afl&liated with the Congregation and 
imbued with its doctrines, traversed the kingdom. Almost everywhere they 
were the occasion or the involuntary cause of strange disorders. 

The French unfortunately blamed religion for the scandals of those who 
outraged while they invoked her ; they were seized with indignation against 
her on account of the shameful yoke which had roused their anger, and it 
was necessary to have recourse to force to protect the missionaries against 
the infuriated populace. At Paris, at Brest, at Rouen, in all the great 
towns, they preached under the protection of swords and bayonets, and men 
beheld the spectacle of priests calling down the chastisements of human 
justice on those whom they had been unable to convince by the authority of 
their words..? 


Parallel to the Congregation grew another secret society absolutely dif- 
ferent. This was that of the Carbonari,^ or " Charbonnerie," which, stamped 
out in Italy, took root in France and established there its methods of organ- 
isation and conspiracy. La Fayette and his friends joined it, and Carbo- 
narism spread rapidly, its members uniting with another secret association in 
the west under the title of " Knights of Liberty." La Fayette thought that 
if an insurrection succeeded, a constituent assembly would choose between a 
republic and a constitutional monarchy. It was scarcely practicable to think 
of a revolution while the country was so unsettled. 

The Carbonari made preparations for a double military and popular 
rising in Alsace and the west. The second of these plots, which was to 
break out at Saumur, was discovered by accident and many pupils in the 
military college of this town were arrested. The Carbonari hoped for better 
success in Alsace. La Fayette went secretly to direct the movement person- 
ally. The Belfort garrison was to rise on the night of the 1st of January, 

[iThe word carbonari means in Italian "charcoal-makers," and the name rose from the 
prevalence of charcoal-making in the mountainous regions of Italy where the malcontents 
gathered and organised into secret societies, using terms from the charcoal trade as well as 
from Christian ritual for their passwords. As Lamartine<* said: " Carbonarism, the origin of 
which is lost in the night of the Middle Ages, like freemasonry, of which it was by turns the 
ally and the enemy, was a sort of Italian Jacobinism."] 


[1822 A.D.] 

1822. There, again, a misunderstanding divulged the plot to the military 
authorities some hours earlier. The officers and non-commissioned officers 
who were compromised escaped, and La Fayette, who was not far off, was 
warned in time. 

The oppressive laws voted by the Right were the cause of fresh plots 
among the Carbonari. The movement which had failed at Saumur was tried 
again. A retired general, Berton, raised the tricolour flag at Thenars and 
marched to Saumur at the head of a little body of insurgents. The inhabitants 
of the places through which he passed showed indecision. He reckoned on 
the national guard at Saumur and on the pupils of the military school, but 
these, when they saw so small a force, did not stir. Berton's companions 
dispersed ; he himself hid in the country, hoping for better success another 
time (February 24th). For the third time the Saumur plot was set going, 
but this time its execution did not even arrive at a beginning. General Ber- 
ton, betrayed by a non-commissioned officer who had really only joined the 
Carbonari to betray them, was arrested in the country with two of his friends 
(June 17th). 

A retired officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Caron, tried to revive the movement 
in Alsace. There the authorities carried out their former action on a larger 
scale. They introduced Canuel's method at Lyons. Caron was allowed 
perfect freedom of action. On the 2nd of July a squadron of mounted 
lancers came from Colmar and put themselves under Caron's orders; a 
second squadron soon rejoined the first. They made for Miilhausen, crying 
" Vive Napoleon II! A has les Bourbons!" Suddenly, towards dusk, when 
at some distance from Miilhausen, officers in disguise who led the pretended 
insurrection, gave the signal : Caron was seized, and, the next day, taken 
back to Colmar gagged, to cries of " Vive le roi ! " 

Berton and his accomplices were brought before the court at Poitiers. 
The procureur-general, Mangin, in the writ of accusation, denounced La 
Fayette and the principal leaders of the Left, including many who were 
quite strangers to Carbonarism, as General Foy, Benjamin Constant, and 
Laffitte the banker. These latter were indignant and demanded an investi- 
gation. La Fayette himself showed no indignation but only proud con- 
tempt, though he supported the demand for an investigation. This was not 

The procureur-general answered the demand of the deputies with insult, 
and in the trial of the case at Poitiers shamefully outraged the accused. 
The prosecution employed the language of 18l5. The Poitiers jury, com- 
posed wholly of ultras and emigres, condemned Berton and the greater 
number of those accused with him. Berton and two others were executed. 
A fourth committed suicide (October 5th). 

Lieutenant-Colonel Caron had been executed a few days before at Col- 
mar. The details of his case had raised a storm of reprobation; the army 
was dishonoured ; whole squadrons had been made to play the part of gov- 
ernment spies in the midst of the people of Alsace. 

Another affair which had excited exceptional interest had ended the 
month before. This was the sase of the "four, sergeants of Rochelle" — 
Bories, Goubin, Pommier, and Raoul. These four young men, enrolled 
amongst the Carbonari, had been arrested for a plot in which they had 
joined with certain men not in the army, and brought before the tribunal 
in Paris. Their age, their bearing, and generous sentiments had touched 
public opinion. There had been no beginning of carrying the plot into effect 
on their part, but they were, all the same, condemned to death. " France 


[1821-1822 A.D.] 

will judge us ! " said Bories, the one of them most remarkable by his intelli- 
gence and character. 

La Fayette and his friends did their utmost, but in vain, to insure the 
escape of these four condemned men. They were executed the 21st of Sep- 
tember. A great display of military force rendered useless every attempt 
on the part of the Carbonari to save them. They died crying, " Vive la 
libertS! " That same evening a grand birthday fete was given at the Tuile- 
ries for the duke de Berri's daughter. The contrast produced a sinister 
effect. The memory of the four Rochelle sergeants has remained popular 
from among all those of the political victims of this time. Every year, on 
le Jour des morts [All Souls' Day], the Parisians cover with flowers and 
wreaths the tomb erected to them in the cemetery of Mont-Parnasse after 
the revolution of 1830. 

Many other malcontents had been put to death and numbers of others 
had suffered severe penalties. This was the end of the bloody executions of 
the Restoration. Carbonarism was discouraged and in fact dissolved. The 
struggle against the Restoration took other forms./ 


At the opening of the session of 1821 the Congregation redoubled its 
efforts against Richelieu's ministry. The liberals felt obliged to unite with 
the ultra-royalists to overturn the cabinet, in the dangerous hope that the 
majority, if it came to the head of affairs, would perish as in 1815 through 
its own excesses. The address in the chamber, composed by that majority, 
was hostile and insulting to the monarch. Richelieu having demanded new 
restrictions of the press, the royalists, whose most immediate interest was to 
vanquish him, pretended a great horror of the censorship, an ardent zeal 
for the liberty he was attacking. The position of the ministry was no 
longer tenable, and it retired on December 15th, 1821, after twenty-three 
months of existence. 

Madame du Cayla, a woman whose patronage favoured the associate of the 
Congregation, and who kept Louis XVIII under the charms of her fascination 
up to the end of his days, was not a stranger to the foundation of the new 
cabinet, the most influential members of which were Peyronnet, keeper of 
the seals; Villele, minister of finance; Corbiere, minister of the interior. The 
viscount Mathieu de Montmorency had received the portfolio of foreign 
affairs, and the duke de Bellune [formerly the Napoleonic marshal Victor], 
that of war. Villele already exercised a great influence in the council and 
soon became its chief. His fortune had been rapid; endowed with a 
great talent for intrigue and with a remarkable capacity for affairs, he had 
neither the lofty views of a statesman nor force of character sufBcient to 
escape the influence of a faction whose fatal blindness he deplored. In a 
word, he thought he could fight against the sympathies and the political and 
moral demands of a great people, by means of ruse and corruption. The Con- 
gregation understood that it could dominate in spite of him, while the nomi- 
nation of the pious viscount de Montmorency assured its triumph. Its 
allies immediately took possession of the offices and seized the prominent 
posts of every ministry. 

From that moment the chamber of deputies and the government marched 
hand in hand towards a counter- revolution. The Jesuits first attacked their 
most serious enemy, the university, by causing the courses given by Cousin 
and Guizot to be suppressed (1822). To intimidate the press a law was 


[182a-1823 A.D.] 

made which made it possible to bring suit not for one particular offence, but 
for the general tendency of opinion of a journal. Royer-CoUard, who was 
not a revolter, described the situation in a word : " The government is in a 
sense the inverse of society. "i 

The victors of 1814 and 1815, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, had formed 
the " Holy Alliance " for the purpose of smothering, to their common advaa- 
tage, the ideas of liberty which the Revolution had thrown into the world, 
and which were fermenting everywhere. They were violently suppressed in 
Germany, Naples, and Piedmont, and the French government, which had just 
prevented their return by laws and punishments, received from the congress 
of Verona (1822) a strange task. ^ 

To try the firmness of Louis XVIII in support of the monarchic cause, 
the sovereigns assembled at Verona committed to France the task of putting 
down the Spanish liberals who still maintained their constitution of 1812, 
and reinstating Ferdinand on his absolute throne.^ 

A hundred thousand men crossed the Pyrenees (1823) under the command 
of the duke d'Angouleme,^ and were joined by the remains of a Catholic army 
called the " army of the faith," which the priests and other absolutists had 
raised in defence of the irresponsible crown. 

These allies brought more dishonour and dislike on the invading forces, 
by their cruelty and insubordination, than were compensated for by their 
numbers or moral weight in the country. The cortes carried Ferdinand in 
honourable durance with them to Seville. 

Angouleme entered Madrid, and, after heroic resistance on the part of 
Mina, Quiroga, and Ballasteros, succeeded in the object of his mission [as 
has been already described at length in the history of Spain] . The consti- 
tutional regency was dissolved, and a loose given to the feuds and pas- 
sions of the triumphant army of the faith. But Angouleme was a French 
gentleman, and not a Spanish butcher. He bridled the lawlessness of both 
mob and army, and placed the late rebels, and all who were suspected of dis- 
affection, under the protection of French tribunals and impartial law. 
Impartiality in the eyes of the Spanish enthusiasts was worse than hostility ; 
and a royalist insurrection was with difficulty prevented against the protec- 
tors of royalty, since they would not condescend to be also the oppressors of 
the people. 

At length the struggle came to an end. The king was liberated, free- 
dom withdrawn, and a frantic mob received their monarch when he returned 
to his capital with cries of " Long live the absolute king ! Death to the 
liberals ! Perish the nation ! " By an unfortunate coincidence, though per- 
haps designed by his admirers, the duke d'Angouleme made his entry into 
Paris on the anniversary of the battle of Austerlitz (December 2nd, 1823). 
The arch of triumph, which forms so splendid a termination to the view 
from the Tuileries, had been left uncompleted on the downfall of Napoleon ; 
but wooden scaffoldings were raised on the unfinished walls, painted carpets 
were suspended from the top, and the arch itself garlanded with laurels. 
The ridicule, however, was not of the duke's seeking, and even Beranger 
spared him for the sake of his moderation and love of justice. 

[ 1 Such a policy was repugnant to the liberal party in France, and throughout Europe .; but 
military glory has ever rallied the French people round their rulers whether royal or republican. 
For a time the monarchy was strengthened by this success ; but the pretensions of the royalists 
were dangerously encouraged. France had accepted the repressive policy of the Holy Alliance ; 
and her rulers were to become yet more defiant of the principles of the Eevolution. — Ebskise 
Mat. 6] 

[^ The duke d'AngoulSme was the son of the heir to the throne, the count d'Artois.] 


[1821-1824 A.D.] 

The monarchy appeared strengthened for a while by the Spanish crusade,^ 
and the minister, Villele, thought he might venture on the introduction of 
various measures. *; 


Villele carried out the traditional administration of his predecessors. 
As to politics, he wanted to steer clear of emergency laws and expedients. 
He proposed a press law — no longer preventive, but repressive, and more 
severe than that of 1819 — transferring from the jury to the magistracy the 
judgment of the greater number of law-suits and multiplying penalties of 
suspension and suppression of the newspapers. 

Count Mole, who had acquired in his high offices a profound knowledge 
of the administration, of government and men generally, said to the peers : 
" Those institutions which would have prevented the Revolution of 1789 are 
now the only methods of ending it." Without a press and publicity all sorts 
of abuses would be possible. Other peers supported these ideas. The 
chamber, in voting for the project, introduced important amendments. 
Although the government could thenceforth count on success, Villele con- 
tinued to exercise power without too much demonstration. He had a great 
end in view, a vast financial operation, destined to end the debate on the 
national lands. He flattered himself that he would thus forever destroy one 
of the most irritating causes of the struggles and recriminations of opposite 
parties, and proudly believed himself destined to put an end to r&volution. 
But he was not yet sure of support from the chamber of deputies, mutilated 
by the resignation of the Left, and influential members of the Right kept a 
most independent attitude. He obtained a decree of dissolution from the 
king on December 24th, and made every possible effort to get deputies 
favourable to himself elected in the following January. 

Assured henceforth of a loyal majority, Villele resolved to keep it, and 
govern for several years without fresh elections. With this object he formu- 
lated a law which made the government septennial — the only way, he urged, 
to give it a spirit of continuity and cut short the uncertainty of majorities 
which annual elections constantly raised. He met with much opposition, 
some urging very reasonably the inconvenience of general elections which 
disturbed the whole country and threatened it with changes otherwise per- 
fect. Royer-CoUard, however, went a little too far when he declared that 
representative government ought to be an organised mobility. Opinions 
were very diverse, but as the deputies were as interested as the minister in 
passing the bill it was passed. 

Villele then advanced a project for the conversion of five per cent, stock to 
three per cent., offering fund-holders a diminution of income with an aug- 
mentation of capital. Government bonds were at par, a proof of public 
prosperity and definitively established confidence ; this was a necessary con- 
dition of the measure. His idea was to obtain a thousand million francs, 
which he intended to employ in indemnities to emigres whose estates had 
been confiscated during the Revolution. The financial side of the project 
was skilfully planned ; but competent financiers opposed it, and orators on 
the Left, judging from another point of view, reproached him with destroy- 

[ 1 There had been some resistance to the vote of a hundred million francs for the war, and 
one deputy named Manuel had been dragged out of the chamber by the gendarmes for opposing 
intervention in the Spanish quarrel, in a speech which was taken to be of regicide spirit. The 
entire Left, including La Fayette, Foy, Casimir-P^rier, and fifty-nine others, departed from the 
chamber and did not return.] 


[1824 A.D.] 

ing under pretext of consolidating the work of the Revolution, and of making 
a retrograde act. Villele adjourned his project, but did not renounce it. 

The ministry lacked necessary homogeneity. The decided character of 
Corbiere was cause of dispute. Chateaubriand, who affected independence, 
and rendered himself insupportable to everyone and particularly to the court 
by his desire to outshine and his immense self-esteem, was dismissed June 
6th. To please the clergy, Villele created a Ministry of Public Worship 
and Instruction, and gave the post to a prelate. 

After the close of the session on August 4th, he re-established the censor- 
ship. He was obliged to buy over papers to defend his policy, and he over- 
whelmed those who attacked him with law-suits. Neither the ordinary law 
court nor the superior courts had condemned as frequently or as severely as 
he desired, i 


During this year Louis XVIII lived, but did not reign. His mission 
was accomplished ; his work was done. The reception of the duke 
d'Angouleme and his triumphant host at the Tuileries was the last real act of 
his eventful career ; thenceforward the royal functions, nominally his own, 
were in reality performed by others. It must be confessed he could not have 
terminated his reign with a brighter ray of glory. The magnitude of the 
services he rendered to France can only be appreciated by recollecting in 
what state he found, and in what he left it. He found it divided, he left 
it united ; he found it overrun by conquerors, he left it returning from con- 
quest ; he found it in slavery, he left it in freedom ; he found it bankrupt, 
he left it in affluence ; he found it drained of its heart's blood, he left it 
teeming with life ; he found it overspread with mourning, he left it radiant 
with happiness. An old man had- vanquished the Revolution ; he had done 
that which Robespierre and Napoleon had left undone. 

He had ruled France, and showed that it could be ruled without either 
foreign conquest or domestic blood. Foreign bayonets had placed him on 
the throne, but his own wisdom maintained him on it. Other sovereigns of 
France may have left more durable records of their reign, for they have written 
them in blood, and engraven them in characters of fire upon the minds of 
men ; but none have left so really glorious a monument of their rule, for 
it was written in the hearts, and might be read in the eyes, of his subjects. 

This arduous and memorable reign, however, so beset with difficulties, so 
crossed by obstacles, so opposed by faction, was now drawing to a close. 
His constitution, long oppressed by a complication of disorders, the result in 
part of the constitutional disorders of his familj', was now worn out. Unable 
to carry on the affairs of state, sinking under the load of government, he 
silently relinquished the direction to De Villele and the count d'Artois, who 
really conducted the administration of affairs. Madame du Cayla was the 
organ by whose influence they directed the royal mind. [Louis said to one 
of his ministers, " My brother is impatient to squander my realm. I hope 
he will remember that if he does not change, the soil will tremble beneath 
him." On his death-bed he warned his brother against the royalists, painted 
for him in words feeble and broken the difficulties of his reign, the means of 
escaping the reefs that a too great exaltation of royalist opinion could pro- 
duce, and added, " Do as I have done and you will arrive at the same peace- 
ful and tranquil end." — Capefigub.] 

Though abundantly sensible of the necessity of the support of religion to 
the maintenance of his throne, and at once careful and respectful in its out- 


[1824 A.D.] 

-ward observances, Louis was far from being a bigot, and in no way the slave 
of the Jesuits, who in his declining days had got possession of his palace. 
In secret, his opinions on religious subjects, though far from sceptical, were 
still farther from devout : he had never surmounted the influence of the 
philosophers who, when he began life, ruled general opinion in Paris. He 
listened to the suggestions of the priests, when they were presented to him 
from the charming lips of Madame du Cayla ; but he never permitted 
themselves any nearer approach to his person. 

At length the last hour approached. The extremities of the king became 
cold, and symptoms of mortification began to appear ; but his mind con- 
tinued as distinct, his courage as great as ever. He was careful to conceal 
his most dangerous symptoms from his attendants. " A king of France," 
said he, " may die, but he is never ill ; " and around his death-bed he re- 
ceived the foreign diplomatists and officers of the national guard, with whom 
he cheerfully conversed upon the affairs of the day. " Love each other," 
said the dying monarch to his family, "and console yourselves by that 
affection for the disasters of our house. Providence has replaced us upon 
the throne ; and I have succeeded in maintaining you on it by concessions 
which, without weakening the real strength of the crown, have secured for 
it the support of the people. The Charter is your best inheritance ; pre- 
serve it entire, my brothers, for me, for our subjects, for yourselves ; " then 
stretching out his hand to the duke de Bordeaux, who was brought to his 
bedside, he added, " and also for this dear child, to whom you should trans- 
mit the throne after my children are gone. May you be more wise than 
your parents." 

Louis XVIII, who thus paid the debt of nature, after having sat for ten 
years on the throne of France, during the most difficult and stormy period in 
its whole annals, was undoubtedly a very remarkable man. Alone of all 
the sovereigns who have ruled its destinies since the Revolution, he suc- 
ceeded in conducting the government without either serious foreign war or 
domestic overthrow. In this respect he was more fortunate, or rather more 
wise, than either Napoleon, Charles X, or Louis Philippe ; for the first kept 
his seat on the throne only by keeping the nation constantly in a state of 
hostility, and the last two lost their crowns mainly by having attempted to 
do without it. He was no common man who at such a time, and with such 
people, could succeed in effecting such a prodigy. Louis Philippe aimed at 
being the Napoleon of peace ; but Louis XVIII really was so, and succeeded 
so far that he died the king of France. The secret of his success was, that 
he entirely accommodated himself to the temper of the times. He was the 
man of the age — neither before it, like great, nor behind it, like little men. 
Thus he succeeded in steering the vessel of the state successfully through 
shoals which would have in all probability stranded a man of a greater or 
less capacity. The career of Napoleon illustrated the danger of the first, 
that of Charles X the peril of the last. 9 


The natural cast of his mind, cultivated, reflective, but quick withal, 
stored with recollections, rich in anecdotes, ripe with philosophy, full of 
reading, ready at quotation, but by no means of a pedantic character, placed 
him at that period on a level with the most celebrated geniuses and literary 
men of his age. Chateaubriand had not more elegance, Talleyrand more 
fancy, or Madame de Stael more brilliancy. 


[1824 A.D.] 

Since the suppers of Potsdam, tlie cabinet of a prince had never been the 
sanctuary of more philosophy, more literature, more wit, and more lively 
sallies. Louis XVIII would have served for a king of Athens equally as well 
as a king of Paris ; for his nature was Grecian more than French, universal, 
elastic, artistic, delicate, graceful, feminine, sceptical, somewhat corrupted 
by the age, but if not capable of doing everything, capable at least of under- 
standing and expressing everything with propriety. Such, without any 
flattery, was the mind of Louis XVIII. His intimacy with Madame du 
Cayla, which her wit and allurement made every day more necessary to his 
heart, was no longer a mystery to anyone. But Madame du Cayla was not 
merely the affectionate friend and comforter of the king ; she was the confi- 
dential minister, and the secret negotiator of a triple, or quadruple intrigue. 
An emissary of the clerical party, like Madame de Maintenon, in the cabinet 
of the king, the pledge and the instrument of favour for the houses of La 
Rochefoucauld and Montmorency, the hidden link between the policy of the 
count d'Artois and the heart of his royal brother, and finally, the inter- 
mediate agent between Villele, the clerical party, the count d'Artois, and 
the king himself; she was the multiplied connection between these four 
diversified influences, the accordance of which formed and maintained the 
harmony of the government. No woman ever had so many and such deli- 
cate strings of intrigue and policy to manage in the same hand. 

Posterity, when it approaches too closely the memory of a deceased mon- 
arch, is influenced in its judgment of that memory by the prejudices, the 
partialities, and the party-feelings which prevailed during his life ; and by 
those posthumous feelings the reign of Louis XVIII has been hitherto 
judged. Almost all men were equally interested in misrepresenting, depre- 
ciating, and lessening the merit of his life and person. The partisans of the 
empire had to avenge themselves upon him for the fall of their idol ; and to 
eclipse disdainfully under the military glory of Napoleon, and the splendour 
of his reign, the civil and modest merits of policy, of peace, and of freedom. 
It was necessary to debase the king in order to elevate the hero ; to sacrifice 
a memory to exalt a fanaticism ; and they have accordingly continued to 
pour forth sarcasm instead of history. 

No king ever bore with more dignity and constancy dethronement and 
exile, tests which are almost always fatal to men who are elevated only by 
their situation : no king ever waited with more patience, or more certainty, 
the restoration of his race : no king ever re-ascended the throne under cir- 
cumstances of greater difficulty, confirmed himself upon it against greater 
obstacles, or left it to his family with a fairer prospect of maintaining it long 
after his death.d 




Charles X was neither a fanatic, a slave, nor a persecutor, but he 
■was a believer. His zeal, unknown to himself, influenced his policy ; 
and he thought he owed a portion of his reign to his religion. The 
people were misled by this ; it was supposed that he wished to restore 
France to the church ; and the first of the liberties conquered by the 
Revolution, the freedom of the human mind, felt itself threatened. 
Hence arose the disquietude, the disaffection, the brevity, and the 
catastrophe of this reign. He was destined to fall a victim to his faith. 
This was not the fault of his conscience, but of his reason. In him the 
Christian was destined to ruin the king. — Lamaktine.6 

Never did a monarch ascend a throne with fairer prospects and greater 
advantages than the count d'Artois, who took the name, Charles X ; never 
was one precipitated from it under circumstances of greater disaster. Every- 
thing at first seemed to smile on the new sovereign, and to prognosticate a 
reign of concord, peace, and happiness. The great contests whieh had dis- 
tracted the government of his predecessor seemed to he over. The Spanish 
revolution had exhausted itself; it had shaken, without overturning, the 
monarchies of France and England, and led to a campaign glorious to the 
French, which on the peninsula, so long the theatre of defeat and disaster, 
had restored the credit of their arms and the lustre of their influence. In 
Italy, the efforts of the revolutionists, for a brief season successful, had ter- 
minated in defeat and ignominy. After infinite difficulty, and no small danger, 
the composition of the chamber of deputies had been put on a practical foot- 
ing, and government was assured of a majority sufficient for all purposes, in 
harmony with the great body of the peers, and the principles of a constitu- 
tional monarchy. Internal prosperity prevailed to an unprecedented degree ; 
every branch of industry was flourishing, and ten years of peace had both 
healed the wounds of war, and enabled the nation to discharge, with honour- 
able fidelity, the heavy burdens imposed on it at its termination. After 
an arduous reign and a long struggle, Louis had reaped the reward of his 
wisdom and perseverance. 

The character and personal qualities of Charles X were in many respects 
such as were well calculated to improve and cultivate to the utmost these 
advantages. Burke had said, at the very outset of the French Revolution, 
that if the deposed race was ever to be restored, it must be by a sovereign 



[1824 A.D.] 

who could sit eight hours a day on horseback. No sovereign could be so far 
removed from this requisite as Louis XVIII, whose figure was so unwieldy 
and his infirmities so great, that, for some years before his death, he had to 
be wheeled about his apartments in an arm-chair. But the case was very 
different with his successor. No captain in his guards managed his charger 
with more skill and address, or exhibited in greater perfection the noble art 
of horsemanship ; no courtier in his saloons was more perfect in all the graces 
which dignify manners, and cause the inequalities of rank to be forgotten, in 
the courtesy with which their distinctions are thrown aside. 

Many of the sayings he made use of, in the most important crises of his 
life, became historical ; repeated from one end of Europe to the other, they 
rivalled the most celebrated of Henry IV in warmth of heart, and the most 
felicitous of Louis XIV in terseness of expression. But, with all these valu- 
able qualities, which, under other circumstances, might have rendered him 
one of the most popular monarchs that ever sat upon the throne of France, 
he was subject to several weaknesses still more prejudicial, which, in the end, 
precipitated himself and his family from the throne. He was extremely fond 
of the chase, and rivalled any of his royal ancestors in the passion for hunt- 
ing ; but with him it was not a recreation to amuse his mind amidst more 
serious cares, but, as with the Spanish and Neapolitan princes of the house of 
Bourbon, a serious occupation, which absorbed both the time and the strength 
that should have been devoted to affairs of state. A still more dangerous 
weakness was the blind submission, which increased with his advancing years, 
that he yielded to the priesthood. 

No change was made by the new sovereign in the ministers of state, who 
indeed were as favourable to the royal cause as any that he could well have 
selected. But from the very outset of his reign there was a Camarilla^ or 
secret court, composed entirely of ecclesiastics, who had more real influence 
than any of the ostensible ministers, and to whose ascendency in the royal 
council the misfortunes in which his reign terminated are mainly to be 
ascribed. The most important of these were the cardinal Latil, archbishop 
of Rheims, who had been the king's confessor during the time he was in exile, 
and earnestly recommended to him by his mistress, Madame de PoUastron, 
who possessed the greatest influence over his mind ; the pope's legate, 
Lambruschini, a subtle and dangerous ecclesiastical diplomatist ; and Quelen, 
archbishop of Paris, a man of probity and worth, but full of ambition, and 
ardently devoted to the interests of his order. To these, who formed, as it 
were, the secret cabinet, that directed the king, and of which he took counsel 
in all cases, were added all the chiefs of the ultra-Royalist and ultra-Cath- 
olic party, who, like a more numerous privy council, were summoned on 
important emergencies. The most important of these were the duke de 
Riviere and Prince Polignac. Such was the secret council by which Charles 
was from the first almost entirely directed, and the history of his reign is 
little more than the annals of the consequences of their administration. 

The king made his public entry into Paris on the 27th of September. 
The day was cloudy, and the rain fell in torrents as he moved through the 
streets, surrounded by a brilliant cortege ; but nothing could damp the ardour 
of the people. Mounted on an Arab steed of mottled silver colour, which he 
managed with perfect skill, the monarch traversed the whole distance 
between St. Cloud and the palace, bowing to the people in acknowledgment 
of their salutations vdth that inimitable grace which proclaimed him at once, 

\} This term is taken from the history of the contemporaneous Spanish Bourbons. See the 
history of Spain.] 


[1821 A.O.] 
like the prince-regent in England, the first gentleman in his dominions. His 
answers on his way to and when he arrived at the palace were not less felici- 
tous than his manner. When asked if he did not feel fatigued, he replied, 
" No ; joy never feels weariness." " No halberts between my people and me," 
cried he to some of his attendants, who were repelling the crowd whicl^ 
pressed in too rudely upon his passage — an expression which recalled his 
famous saying on April 12th, 1814, "There is but one Frenchman the 
more." ^ Never had a monarch been received with such universal joy by his 
subjects. " He is charming as hope," said one of the numerous ladies who 
were enchanted by his manner. Some of his courtiers had suggested the pro- 
priety of taking some precautions against the ball of an assassin in the 
course of his entry. "Why so?" said he: "they cannot hate me without 
knowing me ; and when they know me, I am sure they will not hate me." 
Everything in his manner and expressions towards those by whom his family 
had been opposed, seemed to breathe the words, "I have forgotten." c 


Charles introduced his son the duke d'Angouleme into the government, 
by giving him the supreme direction of the army, whose esteem this prince 
had justly acquired. Eager for that popularity of which he had just tasted 
the first-fruits, he himself proposed to the council of ministers to abolish the 
censorship of the public journals, which was an odious restriction that had 
been impatiently submitted to during the last few months of the late reign. 
The press responded to this generous act by an effusion of gratitude which 
raised the enthusiasm of Paris to a pitch of delirium. " A new reign opens 
upon us," exclaimed the journalists who had been most bitter against the 
Bourbons; "the king is desirous of doing good; his wisdom scatters at 
the first word the cloud under which bad governments conceal their evil 
thoughts ; there is no snare to apprehend from one who himself invokes the 
light." 6 

But in granting liberty to the press, Charles X did not at all repudiate 
the acts of a ministry which had been stigmatised by it. He accepted it on the 
contrary, declaring his formal intention of keeping it in power. Those who 
had been too quick in hoping were disabused and public opinion pronounced 
with terrifying rapidity against a series of unpopular projects presented to 
the chambers by the crown. One of them, in connection with which the 
ministry had skilfully formed the plan of converting government bonds to 
a three per cent, rate, gave a billion francs indemnity to the emigres;* 
another re-established religious communities for women; a third attached 
infamous and atrocious penalties to profanities and thefts committed in 
churches, in certain cases the sacrilege was to be punished by the penalty 
of parricide, (i Some moderate and rational-minded men in the chamber of 
peers, the Moles, the Lally-ToUendals, the Broglies and Chateaubriand 
himself, revolted in the name of human reason, of humanity, and of religion 
against this unjust and barbarous law. In the chamber of deputies, Royer- 
CoUard vindicated reason, liberty of conscience, humanity, and the Deity, 

r This epigram, as we have seen, he had borrowed from a courMer.] 

P In fact this law, very unpopular, and onerous to the national finances, was advantageous 
to the owners of the properties formerly held by the 6migr6s. The fear of seeing the titles con- 
tested vanished and with it the inferiority in market value of these properties to other estates. 
As for the families of the toigr^s, the poor provincial gentry had had but little ; but the people 
of the court who had already largely regained their affluence, redoubled it and though lackbig 
the immoderate luxury of old, yet found themselves richer than ever.— Ma.etih.«] 


[1824-1827 A.D.] 

all outraged by this law in one of the most powerful speeches ever inspired 
at the French tribune by philosophy, religion, and eloquence.6 

But the project which wounded the greatest number of interests and 
aroused the greatest resentment tended to put a stop to the division of 
estates by creating in the law of inheritance the right of primogeniture,^ in 
default of a wish formerly expressed by the testator. All these proposed 
laws, dictated under the influence of the old emigres and the Congregation, 
were conceived in a spirit contrary to that of the Revolution. The chamber 
of deputies adopted them, the peers fought some of them with success, suc- 
ceeded in eliminating the most objectionable clauses, and for some time 
shared popular favour with the royal courts. 

These governmental acts were interrupted in 1825 by the solemnities of 
the coronation. Charles X appeared at Rheims surrounded by the ancient 
apparel of royal majesty. There he took oath on the charter and received 
the crown from the hands of the archbishop, in the midst of the ancient 
ceremonial which was not at all in harmony with the customs of the cen- 
tury, and in which the new generation saw only an act of deference to the 

The liberal party was growing, and drawing new force from all the faults 
of the party in power. It saw with pride men like Benjamin Constant, 
Royer-CoUard, and Casimir Perier at its head in the elective chamber. One 
immense loss was to be deploired. Foy, the general of Napoleon, the states- 
man of Restoration times, was no more. A hundred thousand citizens, the 
elite of trade, of the bar, of literature, and of the army followed his cortege 
and energetically protested against the procedure of government, by adopt- 
ing his children in the name of their country, on the still open tomb of their 
father, who had been the most redoubtable and the most eloquent adversary 
of the ministers. 

In the first days of 1827 Peyronnet presented to the chamber of deputies 
the law under which the liberty of the press was to perish. He defended 
it against the desperate attacks of the Left [which called it the "Vandal 
Law"] by calling it the "law of justice and love." It hardly became known 
before it caused a general uprising of public opinion. The French Academy 
did itself honour by protesting against it on the motion of Charles de 
Lacretelle, actively supported by Chateaubriand, Lemercier, 'Jouy, Michaud, 
Joseph Droz, Alexandre Duval, and Villemain. A commission was appointed 
from their midst to beg the king to withdraw so fatal a project. Charles X 
refused to receive the commission and answered by punishing this act of 
courageous independence. He removed from office Villemain, Lacretelle, 
and Michaud himself, the author of History of the Crusades, and one of 
the oldest supporters of the monarchy. The law, adopted by the chamber 
of deputies, met with violent opposition in that of the peers.^ The ministry 
understood that, even if the latter should adopt it, it would at least eliminate 
its most rigorous clauses. The project was withdrawn without being sub- 
mitted to this dangerous test. 

The people did honour to the monarch for this wise measure. Paris was 
illuminated and cries of " Vive le roi!" were heard in the midst of bonfires 
and popular acclamations."^ 

[1 The law was more timid than its title and cast only a moderate reproach on the existing 
law, Imt feeble as it was this reproach was an enormous fault. Nothing was worse conceived 
than this challenge to " Equality," the grand passion of the nation. — Dabeste./] 

'^ Milller * speaks of the law as one ' ' which sought to smother all education and reason, turn 
France into a Jesuit machine, and set it back to the days of the Inquisition."] 




[1827 A.D.] 

The masses seemed to wish to open to the king a peaceful issue. An 
expression of Casimir Perier made a great stir. Some members of the Left 
alone rising in favour of a liberal petition, the Right cried, " There are only- 
six of them." Casimir Perier replied, 
"We are only six in this place, but 
there are thirty million men in France 
who rise with us." 

The partial elections were to the 
advantage of the liberals, and the return 
of La Fayette was a sign of the time. 
Charles X, uneasy and chagrined, could 
not conceal his unpopularity. He 
thought to regain it in Paris by review- 
ing the national guard. Villele was 
greatly alarmed ; the dauphin advised 
against the review, but the guard was 
summoned on the Champ de Mars 
April 29th, 1827. The word had been 
passed to the soldiers to cry nothing 
but " Vive le Boi!" and " Vive le charte!" 
At certain places, however, they cried, 
"^ bas les ministres! A has lesjSsuites!" 
To one national guardsman who 
repeated this cry near him, the king 
answered, "I came to receive your 
homage, not your instructions." On 
returning from the Champ de Mars, 
tumultuous groups surrounded the car- 
riages of the princesses crying, " A hag 
les j'Ssuitesses ! " Two legions of the 
national guard cried violently, "A has Villele! A has Peyronnet!" in passing 
the ministers of finance and of justice. 

Villele advised the king to disband the national guard of Paris and double 
the garrison. The majority of the ministers agreed. The ordinance of dis- 
bandment appeared the next day. The liberal journals protested fiercely 
against this measure and the opposition on the Right associated itself with 
the liberals. The act alienated irrevocably the entire middle class of Paris. 
The majority was lost in the chamber. The session terminated June 22nd ; 
it was the fourth and ought to have been the last of the " septennial " cham- 
ber ; besides, this chamber was used up and, as it were, decomposed. 

The day after the closing, the censorship was re-established despite the 
dauphin's wishes. The minister instituted above the bureau of censure a 
council of supervision presided over by De Bonald, the implacable enemy of 
the liberty of the press as of all liberty. The illustrious scientist Cuvier, 
who had shown in the council of state much administrative capacity but 
till now little independence, refused to take part in the committee of super- 
vision ; nor would two of the nominees for the bureau of censure serve. 
The censure fell into odious ridiculous excesses which called forth Chateau- 
briand and a throng of other writers in pamphlets full of ironic and indignant 

A crisis was imminent, and the approaching elections looked ominous. A 

Charles X 


[1837-1828 A.D.] 

powerful society was formed to prepare the country, under the significant 
name of "Heaven helps those that help themselves" (^Aide-toi, le del faidera). 
Guizot was president of the governing committee. An allied society of 
republican tendencies was formed, the " Free-speakers, "e 

When the duke de Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, a liberal member of the 
chamber of Peers, died, some of the old pupils of the Academy of Chalons, 
to whom he had been very kind, endeavoured to show their gratitude to 
their neighbour and benefactor by bearing his body to the Barrier, where 
the hearse was waiting to convey it to his estate. In the church of the Made- 
leine the police seized the coffin — unwilling that such a mark of respect should 
be shown to a member of the opposition ; the pupils resisted: in the struggle 
the coffin fell to the ground, and the authorities in triumph carried it off.? 

Later a similar scene was enacted on a greater scale at the funeral of 
Manuel the expelled deputy. The irritated crowd was hardly prevented from 
a pitched battle with the troops. The discourse spoken over the grave by 
La Fayette was of a very different character from that which signalised the 
funeral of General Foy. Under this not yet lawless struggle, one felt 

Seventy-six new peers were named ; the chamber of Deputies, from which 
still less subserviency was expected, was dismissed (Nov. 6th, 1827) ; and the 
gauntlet was fairly thrown down. 

In this year the battle of Navarino (Oct. 20th, 1827) had practically 
delivered Greece from its oppressors, and was hailed as the first national 
resurrection to freedom since the reaction had begun. The English and 
French navies, which were united with the Russian in the entire destruction 
of the Turkish fleet, took also different views of the result of their valour 
and preponderating force. France was so enraptured with a naval victory, 
however obtained, that even the supporters of the ministry rejoiced in an 
action which greatly excited the liberal hopes throughout Europe. The 
English, on the other hand, perceived too late the fault they had committed 
in exposing Turkey unprotected to the maritime attacks of Russia, and 
called the victory of Navarino " an untoward event." Yet, as naval victories 
were of more importance to France than England, an opportunity was found 
for another triumph in an expedition against the dey of Algiers. Success- 
ful to a certain degree, but not so brilliantly decisive as its promoters had 
expected, the squadron came back with its work only half performed, but 
furnishing information which led to a greater effort and more satisfactory 
result in a future year. In spite of government influence, which was unscru- 
pulously used, the elections of 1828 returned a majority for the liberals. 
There were riots and loss of life in Paris and other towns. The Villele 
ministry retired for fear of the coming storm. 9' 


Charles X was obliged to form a liberal government. The Restoration 
again found itself obliged to rely on the support of the left benches. The 
first time this happened it was the result of the initiative of Louis XVIII ; 
this second time it was due to the will of the electors. 

The new ministry was formed Jan. 4th, 1828, with Martignac as leader 
of the cabinet. Possessed of undoubted eloquence and an attractive manner, 
he had more charm than strength. Although he was a man of moderate 
mind he had been one of the majority of Villele. With him, Portalis, Roy, 
and soon afterwards Hyde de NeuviUe and Feutrier, the bishop of Beauvais, 


[1828 A.D.] 

made up a cabinet which the public at first considered lacking in weight and 
in authority.* 

The king had made haste to say to his new ministers, " M. de Villele's 
system is mine " ; and the chamber made haste to write down in its address 
that M. de VillSIe's system was "deplorable." The whole history of the 
Restoration is epitomised on this simple juxtaposition of facts. How was 
the chamber to be prevented from exercising the paramount strength it pos- 
sessed? And what should hinder the head of the state from crying out, 
under the exasperation of insult, as did Charles X upon the presentation of 
the address, " I will not suffer my crown to be flung into the mire ! " What 
then remained to be tried ? To side completely with the elective power ? 
Martignac could not do so without declaring war against royalty. To serve 
royalty in accordance with its own views ? He could not do so without 
declaring war on the chamber. To combine these two sorts of servitude, 
and to hold the reins of government on the tenure of being doubly a slave ? 
He tried this. J 

The Martignac ministry began by suppressing the " black cabinet," where 
letters were opened for the police, and by passing a liberal law with regard 
to the press. In Greece, France received from the two other powers the 
glorious charge of putting an end to the struggle which was going on. A 
force of 14,000 men under the orders of General Maison landed in the 
Morea on the 29th of August. Ibrahim, who had been sent by his father 
the pasha of Egypt as commander of the Egyptian troops, to help the sultan 
of Turkey, made no attempt to fight ; on the 9th of September he sailed 
away with his troops. The only case in which force had to be employed 
was in the taking of Fort Morea, and Greece was delivered. Two burning 
questions occupied the public mind: one was that of an inquiry into the pro- 
ceedings of the Villele ministry, a measure on which the liberals insisted ; 
the other the enforcing of the laws against the Jesuits, which was demanded 
by a strong wave of public opinion, by a decision of the court in Paris, 
and by the new chamber. The ministry decided on carrying out the latter 
measure in order to avoid the former. They prepared two ordinances, 
in which the name of the Jesuits was not so much as mentioned. The first, 
which was countersigned by Portalis, deprived them of their educational 
establishments ; the second, which was inspired by the bishop of Beauvais, 
dictated the necessary precautions to be observed in order to exclude them 
from the management of ecclesiastical schools (June 19th, 1828). 

Thus the throne seemed anxious to be reconciled to the liberal party. 
But this was only apparently true. Between the two parties who were 
struggling for possession of the country, one supported by the king, the 
other by the people, one wishing to go back to the eve of '89, the other to 
march forward with the century, there was no room for equivocation or for 
compromise. Those who were anxious to conciliate both parties ran the risk 
of being crushed between the two. Martignac, in spite of his wonderful 
eloquence, his charm, and the sympathy he inspired, was looked upon with 
suspicion by both camps. 

As for Charles X, he submitted to this ministry as to a personal defeat ; 
he was still the ardent partisan of the cabinet which had been overthrown. It 
was therefore most obnoxious to him to have to sign the ordinances against 
the Jesuits. The ministers were obliged to threaten to resign in order to get 
him to do it. The furious outcry raised by the whole body of the clergy, 
the maledictions of the bishops directed even against the bishop of Beauvais, 
brought the devout frenzy to a climax. 


[1828-1829 A.D.] 

He could only endure this return to liberalism for a time by nursing 
tlioughts of revenge. But he still had patiently to endure the session of 
1829, which was occupied by discussions on the organisation of the depart- 
ments and the communes, in which the cabinet was weakened by several 
reverses. Hardly had the chambers dissolved when the king dismissed his 
ministers. The session had closed on the 30th of July ; on the 9th of 
August the list of the new ministry was published, i 

When the names were made known a cry of indignation broke out from 
one end of France to the other : Polignac, Labourdonnaie, Bourmont. 
The patriots who, from passion or principles, had never admitted the 
possibility of a compromise with the old dynasty, experienced that sort of 
satisfaction which a soldier feels on the eve of a decisive battle. Those who 
had dreamed of liberty with monarchy were now overwhelmed with con- 
sternation. " See ! " cried Royer-Collard, " Charles X is still the count 
d'Artois of 1789." 

The liberal journals in general responded by an explosion of anger 
and menaces to the defiance which had just been flung at the nation. The 
Journal dea DShats, attached to the Bourbons by bonds which its ardent 
opposition had not hitherto broken, terminated an article full of an elo- 
quent suffering by the cry so often quoted : " Unhappy France ! Unhappy 
king ! " 

The ministry brought a suit against it. Answer was made by a violent 
attack from a young editor, Saint-Marc Girardin, on Polignac, " the man of 
Coblenz and the counter-revolution," on Bourmont, " the deserter of Waterloo 
now exposed on the scaffold of the ministry," and on Labourdonnaie, the 
man who in the White Terror of 1815 had constantly demanded irons, hang- 
men, and executions.? 


The president of the new cabinet, Jules de Polignac, son of the chief 
equerry of Louis XVI and of the duchess de Polignac, who was an intimate 
friend of Marie Antoinette, was a sort of incarnation of the old regime. He 
had been one of the most enthusiastic amongst the emigres and later had 
become a leading member of the Congregation. He was perhaps the most 
ardent adherent that body possessed. His minister of war, Bourmont, had, 
in 1815, on the eve of the battle of Waterloo, deserted Napoleon's army for 
that of the enemy, and had thus gained the rank of marshal. 

It was certain that such a minister would advocate extreme measures. 
The country prepared for a struggle. Societies were formed quite openly, 
at first in Brittany and then throughout France, with the purpose of refusing 
to pay the taxes in case the cabinet should attempt to force any violent 
measure on the country. The papers which advertised these associations 
were in every case prosecuted, but were either acquitted or very lightly 
punished. The courts themselves seemed to condemn in advance the projects 
with which the ministry was credited.* 

This was indeed a ministry of madness. Not only every liberal senti- 
ment but every national sentiment was defied. The unfortunate Charles X 
was so much a stranger to his age and country that he did not understand that 
France would take the summons of Bourmont to the head of the army as the 
most deadly of outrages. He believed that in order to justify the deserter 
of Fleurus in the eyes of the public it would suffice to give out that he had 
the king's orders. 


[1829-1830 A.D.] 

If the king and his advisers had been capable of reflection, the attitude 
of the country would have made them tremble. At this moment La Fayette 
paid a visit to Auvergne, his native province,«and then to Dauphine and Lyons. 
In the towns of Dauphine, especially in Vizille, the little place famous for 
having given the signal for the revolution of 1789, La Fayette was welcomed 
by demonstrations which recalled that great epoch ; at Grenoble the popu- 
lation offered him an oak wreath " as a witness of the people's gratitude and 
as the emblem of the force which the people of Grenoble, following his 
example, would be able to bring into action to maintain their rights and the 
constitution." At Lyons he made a truly royal entry : the whole city went 
out to meet him, deputations from the neighbouring departments waited on 
him. At the banquet which was given him La Fayette declared that he was 
happy to receive proof of the determination of that great and patriotic city 
to resist all the attempts of the incorrigible counter revolution. The 
official journals of this party had said recently " no more concessions." " No 
more concessions " says in its turn the French people, which knows its rights 
and will know how to defend them. Then he added, "How are the pro- 
jects with which the people are threatened to be executed ? By means of 
the chamber of deputies? It would show itself faithful to patriotism and 
honour. By a dissolution? The electors would have something to say to 
that. By simple ordinances ? The partisans of such measures would then 
learn that the strength of every government lies only in the arms and the 
purse of the citizens which compose the nation." 

The triumphant journey of La Fayette afforded royalty an alarming con- 
trast to the reception which the dauphin and dauphiness received about the 
same time in Normandy. Silence and a desert surrounded them everywhere. 
At Cherbourg the authorities could not even organise a ball in their honour.* 

On the 2nd of March, 1830, Charles X, displaying for the last time all 
the pomp of royalty, declared in the presence of the assembled deputies and 
peers his intention to preserve intact the prerogatives of the crown and 
French institutions. The address of the deputies in response to the speech 
from the throne showed the king that the> composition of his new cabinet 
was dangerous and menacing to public liberty. Two hundred and twenty- 
one members as against 186 voted for this memorable address. The king 
was indignant. He complained in his response of a lack of support and con- 
cluded by stating that his resolves were known and were unchangeable. 
The chamber was prorogued and then dissolved. 

However, the council had tried to acquire some popularity by means of a 
military success, and an insult offered to the French consul by the dey of 
Algiers furnished the ministers a favourable opportunity to clear the sea 
of barbarous pirates. <* 


The Algerian dey, Hussein, had come into power in 1818. No dey had 
been so well obeyed. His foreign policy was less fortunate, because he had 
illusions about his own strength and thought he could brave the European 
powers with impunity. This error caused his downfall. The relations with 
France, interrupted during the empire, were renewed in 1816 ; but the un- 
derstanding was never very cordial, especially after the accession of Hussein. 
He wished the annual revenue paid for the concessions to amount to 300,000 
francs, according to the convention made in 1817 with the dey Omar; France 
wished to keep to the amount of 90,000 francs, which was the revenue paid 
to Ali Khodja, who reigned between Omar and Hussein. The dey would not 


[1819-1830 A.D.] 

consent to the fortifying of the French establishments ; the execution of some 
works of defence had greatly annoyed him. But the Bakri affair caused him 
more annoyance than anything else. 

Bakri and Busnah, two Algerian Jews, had furnished the Directory with 
a large amount of corn which had not been entirely paid for ; the empire 
gave some instalments. In 1819 the credit was fixed at seven millions, but 
the convention then concluded expressly reserved the rights of certain 
Frenchmen of whom Bakri and Busnah were debtors. Opposition arose, 
and a part of the sum was kept back while awaiting the decision of the 

Hussein, who had large interests in the business, and who understood noth- 
ing of the complicated forms of French justice, was indignant at the delay. At 
a solemn audience he questioned the French consul sharply and then hit him 
with his fan and sent him out of his presence ; a more prudent and dignified 
consul would not have provoked such a scene ; but Deval represented France ; 
a reparation was necessary. 

A naval division appeared before Algiers. Hussein absolutely refused 
satisfaction ; June 15th, 1827, war was declared ; immediately the French 
settlements, which they had taken the precaution to evacuate, were pillaged 
and destroyed. A cruising expedition then began ; but the blockade soon 
proved useless ; it imposed a difficult and dangerous service on the French 
navy, it cost upwards of twenty millions in three years, and the dey appeared 
no more disposed to give in than on the first day. 

Since 1827 Clermont-Tonnerre, then minister of war, had been inclined 
to act vigorously ; England made almost imperious representations, which 
were answered as they should have been. Even in France, the opposing 
parties disapproved of an expedition ; they saw in this, not without some 
reason, a political artifice to turn men's minds from interior affairs, but they 
also forgot that national honour was engaged. 

An admiral, Duperre, at last decided to accept the command of the fleet. 
Bourmont, minister of war, kept that of the army for himself, with the sole 
direction of the enterprise. It was decided to fortify the peninsula to make 
it into an entrenched camp, a place of refuge in case of defeat. The enemy, 
however, had taken its forces to Staoueli; Ibrahim, Hussein's son-in- 
law, took with him the Turkish militia, some Kolougis and Moors of 
Algiers, the contingent of the beys, and some thousand Kabyles. Among the 
eye-witnesses, some enumerate this army at 60,000 men, others only at 20,000. 
The confused manoeuvring, the rapid and disorderly movements of the 
Arabian cavalry, must have promoted the illusion of an immense multitude. 
With the exception of the Turks all these undisciplined troops presented a 
poor appearance when drawn up in battle order. The first shock, however, 
was terrible ; on the morning of the 19th all the French lines were assailed, 
but the attack told more on the wings, weaker and not so well posted as 
the centre. The left was exposed for a moment; the Turks fought with 
incredible ardour ; the horsemen spurred their horses and sprang over 
the entrenchments. But the French army had the advantage of tactics 
and discipline. After a desperate fight the Algerians retreated to their 

The dey and the inhabitants of Algiers had no doubt of success ; there 
was consternation at the arrival of the fugitives. The Algerians hastened 
to defend Fort Emperor, which protected the town on the southwest. Emis- 
saries were sent on all sides to rally the Arabs, the Ulemas preached the 
holy war. 


[1830 A.D.J 

On the 24th the French lines of Staoueli were attacked ; the French army 
easily repulsed the aggressors, pursued them, and established itself on the 
plateau of Sidi-Khaled. The days of the 25th, 26th, 27th, and 28th were 
difficult and murderous. On the 29th, before day, the offensive movement 
commenced all along the line. The fleet cannonaded the place and, without 
causing much damage, added by this opportune demonstration to the con- 
sternation of the population. On July 4th, at four o'clock in the morning, 
the entrenchment was opened against Fort Emperor; the French batteries 
then uncovered and destroyed it with their fire. 

The garrison made a brave defence, but the contest of the two artilleries 
was too unequal ; at the end of a few hours the Turks had their embrasures 
demolished, their guns dismounted, their gunners disabled. 

Fort Emperor once taken, Algiers could no longer hold out ; Hussein 
signed a capitulation.* 

The victory, however, was little heeded at home and war was declared 
between France and monarchy. The struggle had been desperate on both 
sides. The opposition brought out a new paper, the National, edited by 
Thiers and Mignet, the two historians of the Revolution, and Armand 
Carrel, who had begun his public career as leader of an armed conspiracy. 
This paper propagated the views of the opposition with extreme ardour. 
On the other side the king vainly threw his name and his influence into the 
scale. The result was a crushing defeat. The opposition had fought for 
the 221 deputies who had condemned the Polignac ministry, as in 1877 they 
were to fight for the 363. They were all returned again and fifty more elec- 
tions were also gained. 

The Ordinances of Polignac and War with the Press, 18S0 A.D, 

The defeated ministry prepared a coup d'etat. Taking as a pretext the 
wording of Article 14 of the charter, they resolved to suppress the liberties 
of the country. Three ordinances signed by all the ministers formed the 
reply of Charles X to the French nation. One of these dissolved the cham- 
ber before it had ever met ; so that the country had been consulted and had 
given its answer, but that answer was treated with contempt. Another 
abolished liberty of the press. Henceforth every paper would be forced 
to obtain the royal sanction ; otherwise, it would not only be forbidden to 
appear, but its plant would be destroyed. The third created a new electoral 
system. It would no longer be a sufficient qualification for a vote to pay 
300 francs in taxes ; patents were no longer to be taken into account ; and 
all electors who were engaged in commerce or manufactures were to be 
deprived of their votes. 

The last two ordinances were manifestly unconstitutional : they violated 
the laws and usurped their functions. The king's pleasure was substituted 
for the votes of the chambers. This was a return to absolute monarchy. 
This attempt at violence was made in incredible ignorance of the actual situ- 
ation. Up to the time of the elections the ministers had thought themselves 
certain of a majority, and, even after the results were known, seemed to 
have an inexplicable confidence in the measures they were preparing. They 
had only 19,000 men at their command to subdue Paris. 

Secrecy was most carefully observed. Nobody, except those who had 
drawn them up and signed them, knew the contents of the ordinances, when, 
on the evening of Sunday, 25th July, they were handed over to the chief 
editor of the Moniteur for publication the following morning. The editor 





% s 

S 00 

S I 

9 i 




(1830 A.D.] 

glanced over them, and turning pale said to the minister : " I am fifty-seven 
years of age ; I have passed through all the revolutions, but I now withdraw 
overwhelmed with fear." On the morning of the 26th of July, 1830, the 
ordinances published in the Moniteur burst on the nation like a thunderbolt. 
At first people seemed stupefied. The press had the honour of setting an 
example of action. 

It has already been said that one of the edicts suppressed all, the opposi- 
tion papers. That very day all their editors signed a protest of which the 
following words contain the gist : To-day the government has lost that con- 
stitutional character which alone commands obedience. And they added 
that they would use every possible means to publish their papers in defiance 
of the authority of the government. Among the young writers who perhaps 
risked their lives by affixing their signatures to this bold protest, were some 
who were destined to play an important part in public affairs. The protest 
was signed by Thiers, Mignet, Armand Carrel, Remusat, and Pierre Leroux. 
This intrepid action of the press was the first reply to the coup d'etat. 
Their actions were as bold as their words ; and when on the following day 
the police attempted to carry out the provisions of the ordinance, the com- 
missary of police found the proprietor of the paper, with the law in his hand, 
threatening the agent of the government with the punishment due to theft 
aggravated by housebreaking. A crowd collected and protested loudly. 

The locksmith who had been summoned to break up the plant refused to 
do so, and was heartily applauded. Another was sent for, who also refused. 
Not a workman could be found who was willing to raise his hand against the 
instrument of public liberty. It was found necessary at last to have recourse 
to the wretch whose duty it was to affix the fetters worn by convicts. 

Such was the lawful resistance which most politicians of that time, whether 
journalists or deputies, considered the only possible course. 


The first day, the wrath of Paris, kept in check by amazement, had the 
appearance of hesitation; people were waiting and consulting. The next 
day, July 27th, the dissatisfaction of the city became articulate. The mid- 
dle classes and the working people began to express their feelings; street 
orators were active, and stones were thrown at the police outside the Palais 
Royal. A barricade was raised near the French Theatre ; men formed them- 
selves into bands ; shots were fired and the pavements had begun to be stained 
with blood ; but the movement had begun outside the popular quarters of 
the town ; the mass of the people had not yet joined it. 

However, the last rays of the setting sun shone on a well-nigh forgotten 
sight — an unknown man ran along the quays waving a strip of blue, white, 
and red stuff. This was the tricolour flag, which had formerly sprung from 
the ruins of the Bastille to wave over a nation rescued and delivered from 
tyranny. This was the flag of the convention and the empire, which, borne 
by the regiments from Madrid to Moscow, from Cairo to Amsterdam, had 
shaken liberty from its folds in its passage through the nations. This was 
the proscribed flag, which throughout Europe lay hidden in the depths of 
men's memories, as the symbol of liberties destroyed and nations remorse- 
lessly crushed. 

Whoever the unknown man was who first waved the tricolour in the 
sunlight, he had thoroughly grasped the spirit of the situation. The ques- 
tion at issue had ceased to be the maintenance of a royal constitution, the 


[1830 A.D.] 

downfall of a minister, or the re-establishment of a king : above all these 
more limited ideas, the cause of popular liberty was now supreme. A father- 
land which had been assailed, a revolution which had been defeated, had now 
to be reckoned with. 

The question at issue was between the people and the Bourbons. On 
the 28th the people rose in arms. Workmen, citizens, students, marched 
out pell-mell to fight. A student from the Polytechnic who had been ex- 
pelled for having sung the Marseillaise — Charras, afterwards a minister 
under the republic, and one of the most celebrated among those who were 
proscribed under the second empire — had informed his comrades the day 
before of what was to take place, and they had forced the gates of the school 
in order to be present at the battle. None of the people had any weapons, 
and they were obliged to equip themselves as well as^ they could. Here an 
armourer's shop was broken into and pillaged, there a* military post was sur- 
prised, or barracks were attacked ; and manufacturers and merchants might 
be seen distributing muskets. 

To the open space in front of the Exchange two carriages, driven by 
^tienne Arago, brought a store of guns and uniforms, which were being 
used at the Vaudeville in a military play. Next the Musee d'Artillerie was 
attacked, and military equipments which had belonged to warriors of the 
Middle Ages were seized ; so for this epic battle the people borrowed theat- 
rical properties and the rusty uniforms of ancient knights. 

Since the day before, the government had understood that they required 
an efficient military leader : they had chosen Marshal Marmont, duke de 
Raguse. His was a very unpopular name. In 1814, at the time of Napoleon's 
first defeat, Marmont, whilst negotiations were going on, had prematurely 
yielded to the enemy some important positions before Paris. This shadow 
of a terrible suspicion hung over him. Besides, having served as a soldier 
under the republic and the empire, he was now about to shed French blood 
in support of a coup d'etat of which he did not approve. His plan of 
action was soon made ; from the Tuileries where he was, two columns of 
troops would drive back the insurgents, one by the boulevards, the other by 
the quays. A body of troops posted at the market of the Innocents, and 
clearing the whole length of the rue St. Denis, would maintain communica- 
tions between the two columns. 

But on all sides, in that close network of streets and alleys which formed 
the heart of Paris, and which were not yet intersected by the wide thorough- 
fares which exist in the present day, in front and behind the lines of troops, 
combatants seemed to spring up in myriads as if they rose out of the very 
ground ; th^ streets were bristling with barricades, and a battle was waging 
at every cross-road. The columns were both stopped, one at the H6tel-de- 
Ville and one at the Bastille ; the troops at the market of the Innocents 
were surrounded and cut off ; the army seemed lost in this immense rising 
of Parisians. 

What an heroic crowd it was ! After fifteen years of peace, the citizens 
of 1830 proved themselves worthy of the soldiers of Jemmapes, Fleurus, 
and Austerlitz. A fine sense of a fraternity in courage and enthusiasm 
united the rich and the poor. The Paris street-boy shared in the perils of 
the day with his usual saucy intrepidity. During the battle, a boy of fifteen 
brought a packet of cartridges to Charras, saying, " We will go shares, but 
only on condition that you will lend me your gun so that I may take my 
turn at firing." Certain of the combatants had not money to buy bread ; 
in the rue St. Joseph a citizen saw a workman who was fighting at his side 


[1830 A.D.] 

Stagger, and said to him : " You are wounded ? " " No, I am starving." 
The other offered him a five-franc piece. Then the workman pulled out 
from his blood-stained shirt a strip of the royalist flag, saying: "I will give 
you this in exchange." A hundred incidents proved that the combatants 
felt that the same blood was flowing in their veins, though they were fight- 
ing on different sides. In one case an officer had received a dangerous blow 
from an iron bar, but, with his face bathed in blood, he warded off with his 
sword the bayonets which were about to pierce the man who had struck him. 
In another place the corpse of an insurgent was lying near the tricolour flag; 
some soldiers passed by and they and their officers all saluted. 

It would be impossible to describe the war that raged all over Paris. 
On the 28th the thick of the fight had been at the market of the Innocents 
and round the H6tel-de-Ville. To reach it, it was necessary to cross the 
suspension bridge, which was under a constant fire. A young man sprang 
forward with a tricolour flag in his hand : " If I fall," he cried, " remember 
that my name was Arcole." His name was given to the bridge which was 
consecrated by his heroic death. Nightfall interrupted the fighting. 
Silence and solitude descended on the bloody streets, on the deserted barri- 
cades, and on the corpses lying in the shadow. Nothing disturbed the 
silent solemnity of that terrible night but the footsteps of the troops as they 
evacuated the town in order to mass themselves round the Tuileries. 

On the morning of the 29th, fighting began again. Two battles took 
place that day, both against the Swiss Guard. This foreign guard was the 
last resource of the monarchy, just as it had been on the occasion of the 10th 
of August, 1792. The Swiss troops belonged to the king, not to the nation. 
On the left bank of the river the Polytechnic school, at the head of several 
columns of workmen and students, laid siege to the Babylon barracks. 
Charras led one of the columns. Vaneau was killed by a bullet in the head, 
and the street where he fell was called after him. The barracks were taken, 
but a more decisive struggle had taken place elsewhere. 

On the right bank, the people had only to get possession of the vast 
enclosure of the palace formed by the Louvre and the Tuileries. Since the 
day before they had been besieging the front of the Louvre before St. Germain 
I'Auxerrois. The Swiss, posted in the colonnade, directed a murderous fire 
on the assailants. A blunder, made while changing the battalion posted 
there, left the colonnade unprotected ; in ah instant the people stormed the 
entrance and broke in through the windows, firing from those which looked 
on to the courtyard. The Swiss, taken by surprise, were seized with a 
panic, the officers were unable to restore order, and they were chased by the 
people as far as the place de la Concorde. The crowd then for the second 
time made their way into the conquered palace. They had already entered 
it on the 10th of August, 1792, and they were to enter it again in February, 
1848, and in September, 1870. 

Charles X deposed 

Each of these visits signified the fall of a monarchy. And this time, as 
on every similar occasion, was seen the spectacle of a crowd of starving men 
keeping guard, without attempting to touch it, over the wealth of treasure 
which was passing from the king to the nation. Thus ended that most glori- 
ous struggle, the result of which was greeted by universal acclamations. 
Where, during those terrible days, were the men who on one side or the 
other represented the principles for which France was fighting? 


[1830 A.D.] 

Charles X was at St. Cloud. The day the ordinances appeared (July 
26th) he was stag-hunting until the evening at Rambouillet. Partly owing 
to an incomprehensible carelessness and partly to avoid the unpleasantness 
of the struggle, he had kept out of reach of the storm which had assailed his 
crown. He was told : " Stocks have fallen " ; and replied, " They will go 
up again." Then they said, "Paris is in a state of anarchy." To this he 
answered, " Anarchy will bring her to my feet." The most faithful royal- 
ists, trying to make the king realise his position, found him incredulous. 
Even on the 29th, when the revolutionists, after three days' fighting, were 
driving the army from Paris, Charles X, six miles away, kept on repeating 
that every measure was being taken to suppress the insurrection. 

Three days' war had raged ; officers and men alike sad at heart had found 
themselves obliged to shed French blood. Men who should have been the 
glory of their country, politicians, artists, and philosophers, had been made 
the mark for French buUets ; the people and the army had covered the 
streets with corpses, and all the time the king refused to believe what was 

It was only on the evening of the 29th, when the army returned to St. 
Cloud and he heard of their defeat, that he agreed to withdraw the ordinances 
and change the ministry. There was a great deal of talk about a game of 
whist that he played, whilst Mortemai;t, who was to be the new minister, 
was awaiting his instructions. Ten hours later Charles X was still hesitat- 
ing, and it was only at daybreak on the 30th of July that the king made 
up his mind — just twenty-four hours after the triumph of the Revolution. 

The next evening, after two long days of hesitation, in the midst of 
troops decimated by desertion, Charles X at last resolved to retire to Ram- 
bouillet ; this was the first stage on his way to exile. Most of the men who 
were looked upon as the leaders of the victorious party had done little more 
fighting on their side than Charles X had done on his. When they met on 
the very day the edicts were issued there was division in the camp. If some, 
notably La Fayette, were anxious for revolt, others not only did not desire it, 
but actually feared it. All the deliberations of the deputies and other influ- 
«ntial persons during these three days were fruitless, as no decision was 
reached. At last, on the 28th of July, they sent five of their number to 
Marshal Marmont, who was already being urged by the great astronomer 
Arago to put a stop to bloodshed. Polignac refused to see the five deputies, 
and while they were opening tardy negotiations with St. Cloud, the people 
completed their victory. 

On the evening of the 28th, the monarchy being abolished, there was no 
xecognised authority in Paris. ^ An unknown man named Dubourg, dressed 
in a general's uniform borrowed from a theatre, and the journalist Bauds 
who appointed himself secretary to a provisional government which did not 
«xist, had only to take their places in the H6tel-de-Ville, which the troops 
had abandoned, in order to exercise a certain amount of power. On the 
evening of the 29th La Fayette took possession of the H6tel-de-Ville and was 
reinforced by a commission consisting of Casimir Perier, Lobau, Schonen, 
Audry de Puyraveau, and Mauguin ; Laffitte, whose house had been latterly 
the headquarters of the victors, and General Gerard, who continued to be the 
military chief of the new government, declining to join the commission. 

[^ Men who had received their warrant from themselves alone, installed themselves in the 
Hfltel-de-Ville as representatives of the provisional government ; and in that capacity they 
parodied the majesty of command, signed orders, distributed employments, and conferred dig- 
nities. Their reign was short, because those who would dare greatly must be able to do greatly ; 
but it was real, and gave occasion to scenes of unexampled buffoonery. — Louis Blano.;] 


[1830 A.D.] 


Those who had taken no part in the fighting wished to take advantage of 
the victory. Most of them had already begun to think of the duke of Orleans. 
As often happens in reigning families the Orleans branch, the younger branch, 
was always in a state of rivalry with the elder branch of Bourbons. Since 
1789 the duke of Orleans had supported the revolutionary party; whilst his 
cousins were amongst the emigres, he, a member of the convention, having 
given up using his title and assumed the name of Philippe Egalite, voted in 
favour of the death of Louis XVI. His son, duke of Orleans in 1792, had 
fought under the tricolour with Dumouriez at Jemmapes. Though he had 
emigrated afterwards, yet on the Restoration he had again declared himself 
a liberal. The family has always maintained this variable attitude, some- 
times supporting, sometimes deserting the revolutionary party. 

After 1815 the duke of Orleans was sometimes a prince of the blood, 
sometimes the hope of the revolutionists. He alternately claimed the largest 
share of the indemnity paid to the emigres, or openly took the part of Beranger 
and General Foy; he at one time obtained from Charles X the title of Royal 
Highness, and at another would pose as a citizen-prince. 

The example of England was in everybody's mind. It was by dethroning 
the lawful king and putting in his place a prince of a lateral branch that the 
English had gained their liberties in 1688. For a long time many people 
had been hoping that a similar change might bring about a similar result in 

On the 30th Thiers and Mignet hurried to Neuilly where the prince lived, 
but he was not there. In the morning the deputies met at the house of 
Laffitte, and decided to hold a session at noon at the Bourbon palace. There 
it was decided to offer the "lieutenancy of the kingdom" to the duke of 
Orleans. He hesitated, tried to gain time, and was finally, it is said, per- 
suaded by the advice of Talleyrand. On the 31st he accepted. 

The Revolution was sacrificed for his benefit. But would those who 
had brought it about permit this ? It was doubtful. The duke of Orleans 
decided to confront the danger by going through Paris to the H6tel-de-Ville. 
A good deal of dissatisfaction was manifested in the streets. People were 
saying to themselves, " What ? Another Bourbon I " His life was at the 
mercy of the populace. An adverse movement seemed imminent, but it did 
not take place. At the H8tel-de-Ville La Fayette appeared on the balcony 
and was received with acclamations ; the duke of Orleans embraced him and 
was applauded too. He had gained the crown, 

Charles X had finally abdicated in favour of a child, the duke de Bor- 
deaux. His was a strange destiny. He, whom the royalists called Henry V, 
was only to reign for one day and that at the age of ten ! The old king was 
convinced that the duke of Orleans had only accepted the " lieutenancy of 
the kingdom " for the purpose of re-establishing legitimate authority in the 
person of Henry V. The duke found himself in a difficult position between 
the revolutionists who had offered him a throne, and Charles X, to whom he 
owed so much ! Very opportunely, owing to an alarm raised in Paris, on 
the 3rd of August a little band of Parisians marched on Rambouillet. It 
was a strange jumble of national guards, volunteers, students with soldiers' 
belts over their black coats, workmen wearing helmets, many of them in 
omnibuses or cabs chartered for the occasion. This disorderly troop set out 
on a march of forty-five miles without victuals and quite unprepared for any 
emergency. At the same time the duke of Orleans sent Marshal Maison, 

H. W. — VOL. XIII. E 


[1688-1830 A.D.] 

Schonen, and Odilon Barrot to Rambouillet. He had given the Parisians to 
understand that Charles X might prove dangerous, and he warned Charles X 
that sixty thousand Parisians were marching against him, and that he had 
better provide for his safety. Thus he got rid of the old king. Charles X 
and his family were accompanied as far as Cherbourg by his cousin's three 
envoys. Thence he went into exile where the elder branch of the Bourbons 
was to die out. On the 9th of August, 1830, the duke of Orleans was 
solemnly proclaimed king under the name of Louis Philippe I, king of the 
French. i 

HILLEBKAND'S parallel between the revolution of 1688 AND 1830 

The French 1688 was accomplished : the kingdom of God's grace had 
made way for a kingdom of conventions. Whilst the '^Glorious Revolu- 
tion " had sealed the representative system in England, the " Great Week " 
forever put an end to it in France. Instead of the balance of power between 
the crown, the house of peers, and the house of commons, the real or seem- 
ingly unlimited authority of the latter stepped in. The victory of the 221, 
that is to say the majority of the house, was like that of Pyrrhus, as is every 
victory which is only due to the assistance of uncertain confederates. Their 
leaders would infallibly have come into power, even if the throne had not 
been overturned, and they would have taken over the government under 
circumstances far more favourable to themselves and the land, if the irre- 
sponsibility of the throne had been regarded, and the dangerous support of 
the street riots disdained. 

Be that as it may, Charles X was the last monarch of France who 
attempted to oppose his will to the majority of the House. From hence- 
forth not only did the minister require a similar majority so as to retain his 
office, but also the leaders of the state — king, emperor, or president — were 
dependent on Parliament, the fiction of an irresponsible leader of the state 
was forever ended, and the upper house was practically a thing of the past. 
According to this it was only natural and right that from henceforth all 
leaders of the state should, if only artificially, seek to assure the majority in 
the Commons and to aiccustom themselves to consider every opponent of their 
minister as their own opponent, views which the nation shared and still 

At times the capital which helped the parliamentary majority to win in 
1830 may have fought and conquered this majority, as in the years 1848 
and 1870, but only to withdraw her taxes after a short interregnum. In 
England, the House of Commons only became all-powerful a century after 
the Revolution, and the irresponsibility of the crown is still undisputed 
to-day. The convention of 1688 was the voluntary agreement of two 
equally powerful contractors ; the convention of 1830 was a one-sided and 
conditional offer to which the one party submitted and which the other 
simply signed. 

In other respects the popular comparison between 1688 and 1830 was no 
less sound. The eminent German statesman Stein at that time wrote to 
G?gern that only the spirit of falsehood and deception could find a resem- 
blance between Charles X and James ll. He asks, "Where is the barbarian 
Jeffreys? Where are the endeavours and attempts to establish a strange 
church in the place of the national church ? Where is the treaty with a 
strange monarch to destroy the administration and religion of his own 
land ? Where is the money that the stranger will receive for this purpose ? 


[1688-1830 A.D.] 

And we might further ask : wherein lay the future danger ? Was Henry V 
born into a church hostile to his own country, and baptised like James III ? 
Did the Parisian workers and students — whose political wisdom had at first 
discovered and made known the inconsistency of the eight hundred years 
of national dynasty with the interests and views of France, whilst the 
entire nation held contrary views — possess the same importance as the 
experienced statesmen who, in 1688, amidst the rejoicings of the middle 
classes and people of the land, and assisted by the church and aristocracy, 
called the daughter of James II to the throne of England ? Did Louis 
Philippe gain his crown against foreign armies, as William fought for his 
at the bloody battle of the Boyne, after having at the head of his troops 
obtained it by defiance from the politicians who would so willingly have 
made of him prince consort and their creature ? And William was not 
content with the acts of Parliament but also made his own. The childless 
monarch only acted in the interests of the statesmen, not in that of his own 
person or of the family, and considering his childless position, as well as 
his Dutch disposition and the confessional side of his r81e, one might well 
say: William of Orange as regent for his brother-in-law a minor — in the 
guardianship of whom none could have excelled him — could never attain 
that which he attained as king, and that Louis Philippe on his side would 
have attained without trouble, had he reigned in his own name, instead of 
in that of the minor Henry V for whom he had been appointed regent." 

The insurrection which served as motive for the violation of the con- 
stitution on the 25th of July, was artfully called forth by "some secret cove- 
nanters and journalists ; but when after long procrastination it really broke 
out, the whole of the middle class of France backed up the July combatants, 
although they took no active part in the fight — for seldom in history has a 
deed been so firmly corroborated by eye-witnesses on all sides, as the inac- 
tivity of the middle class in this fight. Even after they had been carried 
away by a moral if not active participation they only wished to defend the 
constitution, at the most to extend it and to prevent its being attacked — 
not to change the dynasty. Certainly the sense of the insurrection was 
first falsified by the conspirators — republicans and Orleanists — who made 
themselves masters of the situation, and under pretext of protecting the 
threatened statutes undertook to dismiss the king's guilty counsellors, to do 
away with his law and the king himself. Thus the nation remains respon- 
sible to history for the result, as the wearer of the new crown accepted the 
responsibility of what had happened, although throughout the whole affair 
he had been more sinned against than sinning. And if there is no doubt 
that he had often dreamed of the throne, there is no proof that he ever 
aspired to it through conspiracy or intrigue. 

For in public as in private life we not only act by what we do, but also 
by what we allow to be done, how much more by that which is termed good- 
ness. When and where did a people acknowledge having done something 
more energetically and unconditionally than the French after the July days ? 

Not only those who were late in hastening to the fight but also those not 
concerned in it wished to acknowledge this as a great national event ; and 
if the feeling shown towards the new pionarch, almost unknown to the mass 
of the nation, was less spirited and less general than that shown for this 
event, the nation nevertheless imposed on it, and in no way reacted against 
it as it did against the republic in 1848, towards which it would have acted 
differently in 1830. And it not only confirmed this change by silent 
acknowledgment but also by the expressed oath of representatives of the 


[1688-1830 A.D.] 

people, of the House of Lords, of almost all military and civil state officials, 
above all by the loud and unanimous respect shown by aU towns, places, 
villages, and communities of the land. 

The old dynasty which had been estranged from the nation by the twenty- 
five years of revolution and empire had not yet sufficiently grown accustomed 
to it, and Charles X had placed every difficulty in the way of approximation. 
No doubt the nation would have liked to see the reigning family retained, 
but as they were only drawn to it by considerations of profit and fear 
of overthrow, and not by a feeling of warm attachment or a deep insight 
into the affairs of the kingdom, they gave it up with all the cheerfulness 
so peculiar to the French in public affairs. No idea was formed as to the 
extent of this change ; the kingdom still existed ; that its life-giving roots 
had been cut off was not taken into consideration. They were only too 
glad to have been let off so cheaply. This feeling effaced all regret as 
well as all fears, which the fall of the old kingdom might have instilled 
into less unscrupulous minds. 

The July Revolution was generally felt to be a liberation and was accepted 
with enthusiasm ; and no less outside of France, and rightly ; for this revolu- 
tion was more profitable to foreign parts than to the country which made it. 
Europe breathed again as after a nightmare. Everywhere nations awoke at 
this early call, stirred and stretched themselves in their chains, and although 
they were not yet to succeed looked to see where they could cast them off, 
for the long, long night was over. It had been a gloomy time for Europe : 
fifteen years of darkness only illuminated by the reflection of princely 
feasts and congresses, fifteen years of silence only broken by the melodious 
voices of incomparable artists who seemed to wish to sing the people into 
a deeper sleep. For France it had been a bright and alert time which was 
now so suddenly interrupted : a time of fighting for the highest treasures, 
strong reliance in the victory of the good, and of pure enthusiasm for 
ideal aims. Now all this was ended. 

The July Revolution was the last flicker of the flame of 1789, and 
although a great deal of deception was mixed in the enthusiasm, and pathos 
and declamation were less naive than forty years before, " the great week " 
rightfully lives in the traditions of the nation as the most heroic and glorious 
of all the great battles of the past ninety years, not so much because the 
victory was more unsullied, sacrificing, and magnanimous than all others, 
but because the elevation was the sublimest of all. 

With this elevation, the poetry of the Revolution ended, the hour of prose 
had struck. There began a bitter strife for power and gain, a life in the 
moment and for the moment, a mastery of phrases such as had never been seen 
before and which in the end degenerated into conscious lies. For the entire 
movement was the outcome of the great reaction of Rousseau and his times 
against the calmness of the eighteenth century, and it lasted until the fresh 
calmness stepped in, in the middle of the nineteenth century. All the inspira- 
tions of the times were hollowed out into empty words during those twenty 
years ; instead of the thoughts and sentiments which had filled the race, there 
arose vain forms, behind which covetousness and pure egotism were hidden.. 
These were not to be dethroned after the cooling down of 1849-1850, but 
they were unmasked, and it is characteristic of our times that after the 
extinction of enthusiasm and want of idealism, under the ever more grasping 
tule of a sceptical and positive comprehension of life, they have at least the 
courage to honour the truth, on which the former race, either consciously or 
unconsciously, laid so little stress.' 


[1830 A.D.] 


It must be recognised that — given the conditions of French history 
since '89, and the social state of France being what it was, and so different 
from that of England — after the national sovereignty had once been re-estab- 
lished, the republic must also take its turn. In 1830 the question however 
was not to know if the republic were the last word of the French Revolution, 
but if the time were come to pronounce that word irrevocably. 

France was not then at all ready. Memories of the Terror oppressed the 
imagination and were still generally confounded with the idea of a republic ; 
an irresistible current carried the liberal citizenry to an imitation of the Eng- 
lish revolution of 1688 and the trial of an elective monarchy. As for the 
popular masses, they had in the highest degree the national sentiment, which 
bad raised again with passion the tricoloured flag, but they had little senti- 
ment for universal suffrage which is inseparable in the modern world from 
the republican idea. 

The regime established August 9th, 1830, has then its raison d'Stre in 
French history, but could be only a transition, and the blame that attaches 
to its authors is that of neglecting to introduce in the Charter a means of 
operating this transition peacefully by giving the nation the power to revise 
its constitutional laws, a faculty inalienable and inseparable from national 
self-government. « 



[1830-1848 A.D.] 

The revolution of July suddenly frustrated the repressive policy of 
the great powers, and was the commencement of a new era in the lib- 
erties of Europe. It gave an impulse to the revolution in Belgium ; to 
the insurrection in Poland ; to the democratic constitutions of Switzer- 
land ; to political reforms in several of the states of Germany ; and to 
parliamentary reform in England. Its influence was felt in Italy, in 
Spain, and Portugal ; in Hungary, and in the Slavonic provinces of 
Austria. And, even beyond the bounds of Europe, it reached from 
Egypt and Syria, in the east, to South America, in the west. The 
period of reaction was now closed, to be succeeded by the progressive 
development of constitutional freedom. — Sik Thomas Eeskine Mat. 5 

Placed as Louis Philippe was between the past and the future, between 
the ancient monarchy crumbled without hope of return and the republic 
brought forward, then adjourned, his position was complex and his spirit 
contradictory. He was at the same time a prince at heart and a bourgeois 
in form ; revolutionary by his memories, and reactionary, or at least station- 
ary, from the fear which these very memories inspired in him, as well as by 
his royal memories. 

" King-citizen," promenading Paris in round hat and with an umbrella, 
not only by calculation, but by taste as well, he was at the same time a 
descendant 'of Louis XIV — the issue of the brother of Louis XIV, on the 
male side; he descended on the female side from the Grand Monarch himself 
and Mme. de Montespan. He had kept from Voltairianism sentiments of 
humanity and religious scepticism, but nothing more from that great breath 
of the eighteenth century which had for a moment animated his youth and 
inspired the entire life of La Fayette. 

One of the men who did most to enthrone Louis Philippe was Thiers, 
who has defined the constitutional monarchy in the phrase, " It reigns but 
it does not govern." The new king never accepted this maxim and aspired 
from the first day to rule in all things, less from any theory of monarchy 
than from a passion for affairs, big or little, and above all from a conviction 



[1830 A.D.] 

of the superiority he fancied he held over his ministers, even when he had 
before him a Casimir Perier or a Thiers. He could not even delegate 
authority as Napoleon did and Charles X wanted to do. It was necessary 
then that he govern by address and by artifice, not by imposing and order- 
ing, but by reducing and dividing, by subalternising his ministers and gaining 
his parliamentary majorities by interesting groups and individuals. Such a 
policy was incompatible with sincerity towards persons and things ; incapable 
of violating the laws, Louis Philippe used all his skill to contract the laws 
and to undermine free institutions. These dangerous tendencies, however, 
manifested themselves but gradually, c 


Although the political revolution was over, and the throne of Louis 
Philippe, so far as external appearances went, firmly established, the interior 
of society was in a very different state, and the seeds of evil which were des- 
tined in the end to overturn it were beginning to germinate. The state of the 
working-classes, especially in the great towns, which had rapidly degenerated 
since and in consequence of the first revolution, had been brought to a per- 
fect climax of horror by the effects of the second. The almost entire stop- 
page of purchases and expenditure in France, in consequence of the terrors 
which had seized all the affluent classes, combined with the corresponding 
reductions in the English market, from the effect of the simultaneous reform 
agitation in that country, had reduced all who were engaged in the produc- 
tion of luxuries — that is, the immense 
majority of the working-classes — to the 
last stages of destitution. It was hard to 
say whether the vin e-gr o wers of the Gironde, 
the silk-weavers of Lyons, the cotton-spin- 
ners of Rouen, the jewellers or the printers 
of Paris, were in the greatest distress. In 
Bordeaux there were twenty-two thousand 
workmen out of employment ; in Paris the 
number exceeded sixty thousand. At 
Nimes the fancy silks had sunk to a third 
in price, while the wages of the work- 
men had undergone a similar diminution. 
Montpellier, which depended chiefly on the 
sale of wines, was in the utmost distress, 
and loudly complained of the recent rise in 
the octroi on that article ; and in Lyons the 
suffering had become such that the only 
question seemed to be when a half of the 
entire inhabitants were to expire of famine. 
Nor was the condition of the masters more 
consoling, for even at the low rates of wages, 
such had been the fall of prices in the manu- 
factured article that they could not work 
at a profit ; and numerous failures among 

the most considerable both threw numbers of workmen out of employment 
and fearfully augmented the general consternation.<i 

The first acts of the reign of Louis Philippe were prudent and modest. 
He modified and completed the ministry which he had formed during his 

Louis Philippe 


[1830 A.D.] 

lieutenant-generalship. He called Mole to take charge of the foreign affairs 
and Broglie to the ministry of public instruction. The other ministers 
remained. Laffitte, Casimir Perier, Dupin, and Bignon were members of the 
cabinet of ministers without portfolios. There was no president of the 
council, neither Laffitte nor Casimir Perier accepting this high post. This 
ministry included very opposite tendencies. 

The chambers, in accord with the government during the month of 
August, voted certain measures which were the natural result of the July 
Revolution. Political condemnations from the time of the restoration were 
annulled. Aid and recompense were voted for the July combatants ; for 
the wounded and for the families of the dead. The Pantheon, which under 
the empire had become the church of Ste. Genevieve, was restored to the 
destination given it in 1791, which was to receive the remains of great men. 
The double vote was suppressed, also the great electoral colleges, or depart- 
mental colleges, which the restoration had founded as citadels of the 
aristocracy to control the electoral bourgeoisie. 

However, difficulties were beginning for the new government. Commer- 
cial affairs had weighed heavy before the Revolution ; they became, as we 
have seen, worse after it. The working-classes were surprised and angry to 
find themselves more unhappy the day after than on the eve of the " great 
days " which owed so much to their courage and devotion. They gathered 
together in the streets and on the squares to command the government to 
procure for them diminution of labour or increase of wages. The less 
enlightened wanted to break the machines which, they said, suppressed the 
employment of their arms." 


Although mischievous to society (the return and repose of which they 
delayed) and troublesome to the authority which as yet wanted the power to 
repress them, these palpable irregularities would have signified little, if 
beyond and above street demonstrations, other causes of disorder, older and 
more deeply rooted, had not taken possession of many minds. The revolu- 
tion of July had not confined itself to the overthrow of a dynasty, and the 
modification of a charter : it had given rise to pretensions and hopes, not 
alone in the political party who desired for France a form of government 
opposed to monarchy, but in all the schools, and in every sect, through all the 
varied divisions of life, whether prominent or obscure, who were dreaming 
of another state of social organisation quite distinct from that which France 
had received from her origin, her Christian faith, and her fourteen ages of 
political existence. 

Besides the republicans — and divided between a desire to join and to 
separate from them — the Saint Simonians, the Fourierists, the socialists, and 
the communists, much opposed to each other in principle and unequal in 
strength, as in intellectual power, were all in a state of ambitious effervescence. 

The secret societies of the Restoration had transferred themselves into 
revolutionary clubs, thus combining the remains of silent discipline with the 
extravagant enthusiasm of unbridled speech. There at daily and public 
meetings, all events and questions, whether of principle or incidental occur- 
rence, were warmly discussed. All designs, hopes, and dreams were boldly 
investigated. The entire government, the monarchy, the chambers, the 
magistracy, the administration, were attacked with undissembled violence. 
Their total overthrow was unreservedly proposed. Working-people and 


[1830 A.D.] 

youths, casual passers-by, entered into these places of assembly as to a public 
spectacle, enjoying their audacious license ; and round the leaders of these 
old republican, Bonapartist, socialist, or other associations, advocates of the 
popular party were grouped, ready to declare against the existing authori- 
ties, which from day to day they were in the habit of hearing insulted and 
denounced as enemies, e 

The chamber of deputies voted a credit of five millions for public works, 
one of thirty millions to make advances to commercial houses. Disturbances 
at home and abroad united to prevent the resumption of affairs. These 
alarms were confirmed by the continued low state of public funds. Four of 
Charles X's ministers, among them Polignac and Peyronnet, had been 
arrested and confined at Vincennes. The expectation of their trial agitated 
people's minds.^ 

Foreign affairs caused the most lively anxiety. Louis Philippe and the 
men who surrounded him realised that the counter action of the July Revo- 
lution would inevitably make itself felt abroad, and that the new regime 
would not subsist in France if it permitted the Holy Alliance to recom- 
mence, in respect to the French, what the Restoration had done in Spain. 
The English minister was the first to announce an intention to recognise the 
new government in France, on condition that it respected existing treaties. 
Public opinion in England had been very sincere and active in favour of the 
July Revolution. Prussia and Austria also, in spite of the displeasure and 
anxiety of Metternich, had received the communications of the new govern- 
ment, properly although with reserve. The great question was the attitude 
which Russia would take. Against all expectation Nicholas repulsed Louis 
Philippe's advances rudely, almost brutally. When to his great regret Eng- 
land, Austria, and Prussia had recognised the new government, he consented 
to keep relations of peace and friendship, but he refused to give the title of 
"brother" to the king of the French, and recalled his ambassador. c 

Belgium had separated itself from Holland and offered itself to France, 
but was refused in order not to excite the jealousy of England. Spanish 
refugees wanted to attempt a revolution in their country. They were 
arrested at the frontier in order not to violate international rights, even with 
a prince who was a secret enemy. Poland, delivered for a short period by a 
heroic effort, called to the French. Was it possible to save her by arms? 
As she herself said in the midst of her great sufferings : " God is too high 
and France is too far." Only isolated assistance was sent, which did not 
prevent Warsaw from succumbing. Its fall found a sad echo in the heart of 

The approach of the trial of the ministers was causing a fermentation in 
Paris. Guizot and Broglie retired from the ministry, their demission entail- 
ing that of Mole, Louis and Casimir Perier. Laffitte at the urgent insist- 
ence of the king accepted the task of forming a new ministry (November 
2nd, 1830)./ 

lafpitte's ministry 

On the 15th of December the ministers of Charles X were tried. La 
Fayette took every precaution to preserve order. Taken from Vincennes 
to the Luxembourg they defended themselves before the chamber of peers, 

[ 1 The populace demanded the death of those who, by signing the ordinances, had hronght 
on the Revolution, and were therefore indirectly the cause of so many deaths. But even La Fay- 
ette opposed this, being generous enough to wish their escape, especially because they were his 
enemies. This also caused a dissension in the cabinet. — MiJLLEE.] 


[1830-1831 A.D.] 

being represented by their advocates, Martignac, Hennequin, Sauzet, and 

""Tor "three days, from the 18th to the 20th of December, the mob besi^ed 
the Luxembourg, accusing the government of treason. Pans was terrified. 
La Fayette tried to negotiate with the ringleaders. On the 20th the inner 
court of the Luxembourg was forced and the peers were obliged to suspend 
their sitting. By the 21st the riot had become more formidable. Before pro- 
nouncing sentence, Montalivet, minister of the interior, went at the head of 
the detachment which reconducted the prisoners to Vincennes. The sentence, 
read at ten o'clock in the evening, condemned the ministers to imprisonment 
for life. On account of the "clemency" of this verdict a new not occurred 
on the 22nd, which was suppressed by the national guards and the troops.^ 

At the moment when these new tumults burst forth the chamber of depu- 
ties was busily engaged in discussing the bill for the organisation of the 
national guards. This bill naturally brought into question the position of La 
Fayette. After a long debate the chamber adopted the article suppressing 
the functions of commandant-in-general of the national guards of the king- 
dom (December 24th). Without delay La Fayette sent in his resignation 
to the king, who resolved to accept it.« 

On the 22nd of January, 1831, there was a riot among the students at the 
Sorbonne against the academic council assembled to forbid collective demon- 
strations. The 13th qf February a memorial service was held in St. Germain- 
r Auxerrois in memory of the assassination of the duke de Berri ; there the 
legitimists made an imprudent demonstration in honour of the duke de Bor- 
deaux. The crowd, thoroughly roused, pillaged the presbytery, profaned 
the church, and committed many acts of vandalism. In the evening the 
republicans promenaded carrying arms. Dupin was threatened in his house. 
The 14th saw the archbishop's palace pillaged. There were fresh scenes of 
vandalism : the archbishop's country house at Conflans was sacked ; the 
church of Bonne Nouvelle was pillaged, and several public buildings were 
attacked. Baude, prefect of police, and Odilon Barrot, prefect of the Seine, 
were perfectly inert. Their complacent proclamations only touched the 
counter-revolutionists and the legitimists. The fleurs-de-lis were torn down 
everywhere, and the scenes of anarchy were not limited to Paris. 

Those who loved order, and had hailed the government as a saviour, began 
to doubt its strength and even its will. On the 17th of February Delessert 
denounced the negligence and weakness of the ministry in the chamber. 
There was yet time to act vigorously against the plotters of sedition, and 
prevent civil war. Baude and Odilon Barrot made a very poor defence and 
criticised the retrograde methods hitherto pursued. Guizot wanted the 
government to free itself from all illegal pressure, and to act in harmony 
with the chamber, putting itself at the head of society and not at the tail, 
renouncing a popularity both impossible and compromising. Laffitte still 
avoided expressing his opinion, and contented himself by replacing Baude 
and Odilon Barrot by Vivien and Bondy. His position personally became 
more and more false ; even the other ministers acted without him. 

The risings continued ; strikes spread ; credit was low. Laffitte obtained 
on the 6th of March two hundred million special credit with difficulty ; but 
the chamber refused him a vote of confidence. His friends persuaded him to 
retire, and he was, moreover, obliged to do so owing to pecuniary embarrass- 
ments and the losses sustained by his banking house.'' 

One of the direct causes of Laffitte's fall was his position on the Italian 
question, the minister wishing to aid an insurrection against Austria which 


[1831 A.D.] 

was on foot there. But the king was even more unwilling to intervene for 
the independence of Italy than he had been to interfere in the affairs of 
Belgium. The king had gone behind the back of his minister and made an 
agreement with Austria, on learning of which LafStte resigned March 9th, 


Casimir Perier, the new minister, had been endowed with a gift at the 
same time very striking and almost universally appreciated, namely a force 
of character which amounted almost to heroism. President of the chamber 
before he became prime-minister, he was the man of the majority. His 
policy may be very briefly summed up : order at home maintained by such 
means as were authorised by the charter and the law ; peace abroad, with- 
out sacrificing in the slightest degree the honour of the nation ; in foreign 
affairs three great questions claimed the attention of the French govern- 
ment — Belgium, Poland, and Italy. When Casimir Perier was called upon 
for a statement of his policy before the chambers, he said : " The principle 
already laid down of non-intervention is the one we will adopt," and his 
actions verified his words. 

In 1831 the centre of Italy was occupied by the Austrians on the pre- 
text of overcoming revolution. On the 2nd of February the conclave 
proclaimed Gregory XVI sovereign pontiff. In order to pacify men's 
minds, the European powers addressed a memorial to the pope in which 
they pointed out such reforms as seemed to them likely to appease the dis- 
satisfaction of his subjects. The pope refused to pledge himself, so secret 
societies were again formed and rebellion broke out anew. Gregory XVI 
appealed to the Austrians for help. Austria by granting it violated the 
principle of non-intervention. 

Casimir Perier, in the name of France, protested in a way that might 
have brought about war ; on the 7th of February a French fleet carrying a 
line regiment left Toulon and arrived on the 22nd within sight of Ancona. 
The troops landed during the night and the town was taken. The pope, 
indignant, cried, " Such an attempt has not been made against the holy see 
since the time of the Saracens." The government made known its intentions. 
It would protect the holy father even against attacks from within, but it 
would not suffer Austria to rule in his states ; to the foreign ambassadors, 
who in the name of public justice called upon him for an explanation, Casimir 
Perier replied, " It is I who defend the rights of Europe at large. Do you 
think it is easy to keep the peace and insist on the observance of treaties ? 
The honour of France must be maintained." The pope soon agreed to 
what he was powerless to prevent. Austria did not pick up the gauntlet 
which had been thrown down. The Austrian troops evacuated the legations 
and, on the 24th of October, 1838, the French soldiers set sail for France. 

Poland had attempted in 1830 to release herself from the iron grasp of 
Russia. The institutions granted by the czar Alexander and guaranteed by 
Europe in 1815 had fallen one by one under the persistent attacks of the 
Russian government. When the emperor Nicholas came to Warsaw to be 
crowned in 1829, he refused to revoke the measures of which Poland com- 
plained. In the evening of the 29th of November, 1830, at a signal given 
by means of two fires, an insurrection broke out in Warsaw and the Russian 
army retired. But the Poles were divided amongst themselves, and the 
emperor of Russia took advantage of the time wasted by them. A desperate 
battle, lasting for two days, did not shake the determination of the Poles, 


[1831-1832 A.D.] 

who resisted the Russians for several months. In the meantime they 
claimed help from the western nations, especially from France, who made 
them understand that they must not expect any support from her arms. 
At the same time France reminded Russia of the sacredness of treaties, and 
proposed to act as a mediator. She begged the other European nations to 
succour the Poles, but without result. 

After the disaster, all she could do was to open her arms to the exiles. 
This she did eagerly, and gave an asylum to ten thousand Polish refugees. 
In the streets the mob constantly cried : " Poland forever ! " and pursued 
with this cry the great administrator.* 

Casimir P^rier was the only man capable of controlling the situation 
and of directing what was called the party of the opposition. But he 
was not inclined to make himself the tool of anyone. He had demanded, 
together with the presidency of the council, the ministry of the interior. 
He declared that he intended to preside actively over the council and that 
the king should not be present. He thought that where responsibility is 
located, there should also be the power of action. He was resolved to prac- 
tice the principle laid down by Thiers in Le National before the Days of 
July: "The king reigns, but does not govern. "c 

He plainly stated two things : that he wished legal order and that he 
would consequently fight the republicans and legitimists to the death ; that 
he would not precipitate France into a universal war, and consequently that 
he would make all sacrifices to the peace of the world, which were com- 
patible with the honour of the country. This language sounded proud; 
action confirmed it./ 

Dom Miguel in Portugal had treated two Frenchmen outrageously. 
A fleet forced its way through the straits of the Tagus, hitherto consid- 
ered impregnable, and anchored at three hundred toises from the quays of 
Lisbon. The Portuguese ministers humbled themselves, and a just repara- 
tion was made. The Dutch had invaded Belgium : fifty thousand French- 
men advanced thither and the Dutch flag gave way. 

In the interior the president of the council followed with the same energy 
the line of conduct he had laid down for himself. Legitimists agitated 
the departments of the west. Mobile columns extinguished the revolt. The 
working-classes of Lyons, incited by too severe suffering, but also by agita- 
tors, had rebelled, inscribing on their banner this sad and sinister device : 
" Live in working or die in fighting." After a frightful melee in the city 
itself, they were disarmed and order appeared re-established on the surface. 
Grenoble in its turn ran with blood.c 

In Paris the different parties were not wanting in energy. Two legiti- 
mist plots broke out — first, that of " the Towers of Notre-Dame." Six indi- 
viduals secreted themselves in the bell-tower of the cathedral to ring the tocsin 
and thus give the signal for insurrection. They were arrested and imprisoned. 
The following month a new conspiracy was discovered, that of the " rue des 
Prouvaires. " The agent Poncelet had managed to enrol twenty-five hundred 
men in Paris. At a given moment these men were to rise and carry off the 
royal family by force. They were arrested in rue des Prouvaires. However, 
the government was attacked by the papers of all parties with an ever- 
increasing bitterness. In speaking of Frenchmen M. de Montalivet used 
the word " subjects," and someone cried : " What about the minister ? " and 
a deputy added : " Men who make kings are not subjects." 

Soon after this the overwhelming anxiety caused by a terrible epidemic 
of cholera absorbed the thoughts and attention of the whole nation. The 


tl832 A.D.] 

scourge, which came originally from India, had already spread all over the 
Old World from China and Russia to England. It spread from town to town 
and from capital to capital defying all efforts to arrest its progress. It broke 
out in Paris on the 26th of March, 1832, raged for a hundred and eighty-nine 
days and carried off nineteen thousand persons. ^ It spread through twenty- 
seven departments. Casimir Perier had visited the hospital with the duke 
of Orleans ; two days afterwards he was confined to his bed. His health 
had for some time been feeble, and he died on the 16th of May after severe 
and protracted suffering. When Louis Philippe heard of his death he said 
to one who was present : " Casimir Perier is dead : is it a blessing or a mis- 
fortune ? The future will show." The king was not always quite comfort- 
able with such an imperious minister.* 


No man better understood or did more to maintain representative gov- 
ernment than Perier. That is to say he thought the government should be 
carried on under an open sky, so to speak, and always under the eyes and 
control of the country. It has been truly said of him that he governed from 
the tribunal, and that he was sometimes indiscreet in his fear of not being 
sufficiently frank. No statesman ever had a stronger sense of the duties or 
of the rights appertaining to responsibility and the exercise of power. He 
wished the throne to be respected and to be worthy of respect as the chief 
magistracy of the kingdom, but he wished it to remain inviolable and strictly 
within its own exalted sphere, ruling over parties without mixing in them. 

An open enemy of what has since been called personal government, 
Perier was no less hostile to emergency laws ; he refused them, with equal 
firmness before the entreaties of his friends and the representations of his ene- 
mies. His courageous confidence in public opinion always made him look 
on the common law energetically administered as the only instrument which 
could be suitably employed by the " government of July." " Our system of 
home policy," he would say, " is to make the laws of the land our constant 
rule of action, to support the government by restoring to it the power and 
unity which it lacks, to reinstate and tranquillise all sorts of interests, by 
giving them guarantees of order and stability, to respect the laws and to 
draw from our legislative system and the moral strength which arises from 
it, all our methods of action and of influence ; it is in short never to consent 
to form a party government and, while keeping a strict watch over any 
intrigues that may be woven in secret, never to yield to the temptation of 
crushing the vanquished ; for, in so doing, victory is dishonoured." 

In his dealings with other nations the language and behaviour of the 
statesman of the 13th of March were always worthy of France. He desired 
peace but he would not have sacrificed either the interests or honour of his 
country to preserve it. He would not rashly enter upon a quarrel but when 
once he had declared himself he never drew back, and when he considered 
the moment for action had arrived, he acted quite independently without 
the sanction of anyone else. Thus he entered Belgium entirely on his own 
initiative and without waiting for the conference of London to authorise 
him in doing so. Thus he blockaded and took the port of Lisbon, without 
troubling himself about the dissatisfaction of England. It was thus that in 
order to convince Austria that she had better retire from the Roman states 
he could find no better way than forcing an entry into Ancona and establish- 
[1 In the whole of France it counted 120,000 victims in 1832. c] 


[1832-1834 A.D.] 

ing himself there. Thus it was in short that he was capable, with a vivacity 
which was characteristically French, of reducing to silence a Russian ambas- 
sador who dared to speak to him about the " decisions " of the emperor. 

To sum up : whatever judgment we may form of the political career of 
Casimir Perier, it would be impossible for any unprejudiced person to tail 
to recognise in him two valuable qualities which essentially distinguished 
him, namely : energy and loyalty. ^ 


Montalivet replaced Casimir Perier in the office of minister for home 
affairs, but not in the presidency of the council. Louis Philippe did not 
care to share the power with a viceroy. Laborious, intelligent, gifted with 
a fine sense of honour, unimpulsive, courageous as he was merciful and easy- 
tempered, the king was impressed by his own superiority, and wished to 
direct the government himself, and to establish what he called his 'system.' 
He was too inclined to attribute the merit of success to himself. For a long 
time he sought to place at the head of the cabinet a president who would 
inspire confidence in foreign nations, and to induce orators to enter who could 
defend his politics victoriously before the chambers. His ideas led to the 
resignation of Sdbastiani and Montalivet, looked upon as court followers ; 
the formation of the ministry of October 11th, composed of Marshal Soult the 
president, with Broglie, minister of foreign affairs, Thiers, home secretary ; 
Guizot, minister of education, Humann, minister of finance, Admiral de 
Rigny, Bar the, and d'Argout; and the creation of sixty-two new peers. ^ 

Meanwhile society had been moved to its lowest depths by the partisans 
of Saint-Simon and of Fourier, who demanded another social order. They 
themselves still played the part of mere apostles of peace, but the insurrec- 
tion at Lyons had shown that among the proletariat there was a whole army 
ready to apply their doctrines. The national guard energetically defended 
the monarchy, when, in consequence of the obsequies attending the funeral 
of General Lamarque, the republicans gave battle behind the barricades of 
St. Merry on the 5th and 6th of June. This check arrested their party for 
some time. A month later (July 22nd, 1832) the death of Napoleon's son, 
the duke of Reichstadt, relieved the Orleanist dynasty of a redoubtable rival 
and the marriage of Princess Louise with the king of the Belgians seemed 
to give it an added support. 

Another pretender also lost her cause. The duchess de Berri, who had 
landed secretly dn the coasts of Provence with the title of regent, was come 
to stir up civil war in the west, in the name of her son Henry V. But there 
were no longer either Vend^ans or royalists of the Loire (Ghouans) in 
existence. The new ideas had made way there as elsewhere, and more than 
elsewhere even. " Those people are patriots and republicans," said an officer 
charged to combat them. A few nobles, some refractory persons, few peas- 
ants responded to the call. The country, overrun with troops, was quickly 
pacified, and the duchess, after wandering for a long time from farm to 
farm, entered Nantes, disguised as a peasant. This adventurous attempt 
showed the weakness of the legitimist party. To complete its ruin Thiers, 
who was at that time minister,, instituted an active search for the duchess.^ 

[1 Mliller ff says that she was betrayed to the authorities hy a Jew named Deuz who was paid 
SOOjObO francs. " Her relative Louis Philippe was relieved from his predicament as to her disposal 
by her giving birth to a daughter whose paternity she could not satisfactorily explain. She was 
allowed to go to Palermo and the legitimists ceased for a time to be willing to risk their heroes and 
heroines on the slippery ground of France. They fixed their only hope on a general reaction."] 


[1832-1834 A.D.] 

Discovered on the 7th of November and imprisoned at Blaye, she was obliged 
to confess to a secret marriage which made any other attempt of the same 
kind impossible for the future. 

The capture by French soldiers of the citadel of Antwerp which the 
Dutch refused to give up to the Belgians put an end to the critical situation 
from which war might result at any moment (December 23rd, 1832). The 
occupation of Arzeu, of Mostaganem,, and of Bougie confirmed the French 
occupation of Algeria, and these expeditions to the border of the Schelde 
and on the shores of the Mediterranean brought some glory to French 

In Portugal, Dom Miguel, absolutist prince, had been dethroned in the 
interests of Donna Maria, who gave the people a constitutional charter. In 
Spain, Ferdinand VII was on the point of death, excluding from the crown, 
with the abolishment of the Salic law, his brother Don Carlos, who was sus- 
tained by the retrograde party. Thus the whole peninsula escaped from an 
absolutist party at the same time./ 

In the discussion on the budget of 1833 the opposition combated the 
idea of raising detached forts round Paris, "making a Bastille of it." In 
such an act they saw a danger to liberty. The revolutionists appealed to 
the national guard and the working-classes, and prepared to celebrate 
the July anniversary. The plot was unearthed by the police, who seized the 
stores of arms and arrested several heads of sections. I^ater on, nearly all the 
accused were acquitted because the plot had been without result. The acquit- 
ments led to deplorable results. The republicans organised strikes. On 
October 23rd, the SodStS des droits de Vhomme published a manifesto in La 
Tribune and put themselves under the patronage of Robespierre. 

The new session opened December 22nd, 1833. The republicans who 
had signed the Tribune manifesto were called upon to declare themselves. 
New repressive laws were passed : one, 17th February, 1834, against street- 
criers ; this was followed on the 24th by a rising, which was promptly sup- 
pressed. On March 25th a severe law was issued against associations. Not 
more than twenty persons were to meet. The cognisance of political offences 
committed by them belonged to a jury ; that of infractions of the law to the 
ordinary tribunes, and attempts against the safety of the state to the cham- 
ber of peers. The opposition vainly brought all their forces to weaken 
these provisions, but the majority was a strong one and obtained a decisive 
triumph. A law was passed against the fabrication or storing of arms and 
ammunition. The government was' henceforward armed with every possi- 
ble means of resistance, and yet these were not called emergency laws.^ 

The Treaty of the Quadruple Alliance, signed April 22nd, 1834, between 
the courts of Paris, London, Lisbon, and Madrid, promised to the new Spanish 
and Portuguese governments the sure support of two great constitutional 
countries, against the ill-will of the northern courts. In France these prom- 
ises even led to some effect. To sustain the young queen Isabella, in case 
of need, against the Spanish legitimists, the natural allies of the French 
legitimists, an army corps of fifty thousand men was organised at the foot 
of the Pyrenees. / 


For some time rumours of plots against the king's life had been in circu- 
lation. There was, so to speak, a presage of evil in the air. The public was 
uneasy. The republican and legitimist newspapers attributed these reports 


[1835 A.D.] 

to the police ; but they had too real a foundation. The police had not in- 
vented conspiracies, but had prevented many; now it was said m France and 
abroad that there would be an attempt upon the life of Louis Philippe dur- 
ing the annual review of July 28th. This might have no other origin than 
the thought of the opportunity that this day offered to the king s enemies ; 
but from" July 26th to 27th, the rumours grew more distinct ; the police was 
warned that an infernal machine had been constructed, and that the blow 
would be struck near the boulevard du Temple ; they made diligent search 
but without success. It was most imprudent to pass the troops in review on 
the boulevards, where an unexpected attack would be so easy, rather than 

in the Champ de Mars. ,. , , , , , . r-^ j: 

The information by which the pohce had been unable to profat was untor- 
tunately not imaginary. At the moment when the royal procession reached 
the boulevard du Temple, on the spot where the Jardin Turc then was, the 
king perceived a puff of smoke burst forth from beneath the shutters of a 
house on the boulevard. He quickly exclaimed to one of his sons who was 
beside him, " Joinville, that is intended for me." 

A loud detonation was heard, the roadway was strewn with slain and 
wounded ; more than forty people fell. Among the dead was Marshal Mor- 
tier, who had escaped so many battles to perish, murdered in Paris, by a 
blow intended for another. With him were killed a general officer, superior 
officers of the army and of the national guard, some old men and women. 
Five other generals were wounded. The horses of the king and the prince 
de Joinville had been struck, but the projectiles whistled around the king and 
his sons without touching them. 

In the midst of the universal terror, Louis Philippe said composedly, 
"Now, gentlemen, let us proceed." And he finished his progress amongst 
the acclamations of the national guard and the indignant populace. The 
police hastened to the spot whence the explosions had proceeded ; it proved 
to be a small house of mean appearance, No. 50, boulevard du Temple. They 
found here a machine composed of twenty-four gun-barrels arranged like 
organ-pipes. There was no one in the room ; but, in a neighbouring court- 
yard, a man who had descended from the roof, by means of a rope, was 
arrested. He was covered with blood and mutilated — he had been wounded 
by his own machine, several of the gun-barrels having burst. He said his 
name was Girard, but it was soon discovered that he was a Corsican, called 

The public feeling was one of horror at this outrage, which as in the case 
of the first infernal machine directed against Bonaparte had indiscriminately 
struck so many victims whilst attempting to reach the intended one. The 
reaction produced was profitable to the king, whose brave composure was 
praised. The population took part with emotion in the solemn obsequies of 
the dead, which were held on July 28th. Then followed the same conse- 
quences as after the assassination of the duke de Berri ; free institutions paid 
for Fieschi's crime, as they had paid for that of Louvel. On August 4th, in 
imitation of the royalist ministry of 1820, Louis Philippe's ministers pre- 
sented to the chamber of deputies a number of restrictive and reactionary laws. 

After the catastrophe which had just terrified Paris and France, it was 
not to be wondered at that all possible precautions should be taken to protect 
the king's person against hatreds which were manifested in so terrible a man- 
ner, but far more than this was intended. The bills interdicted not only all 
offensive allusion to the king's person, but all discussion regarding his claims 
to the throne, and the principle of his government. It was forbidden to 


[1835 A.D.] 

assume the name of republican, and to express a desire for the restoration of 
the elder branch of the Bourbons. The number of votes necessary for the 
condemnation of accused persons was reduced from eight to seven out of 
twelve in the jury ; it was the simple majority instead of the two-thirds. 
The offences of exciting hatred or contempt of the king's person, or of his 
constitutional authority, were in these bills made crimes liable to be brought 
before the court of peers. The penalties were increased in extravagant pro- 
portions. Terms of imprisonment were much lengthened and fines were 
raised from ten thousand to fifty thousand francs. In proportion as the 
penalties were increased the difficulty of escaping them was augmented not 
only by changes in jurisdiction, but by the introduction of a flood of new 

The deposits required of newspapers were considerably increased. All 
the illustrations and engravings were submitted to preliminary authorisation, 
that is to say, to the censorship. Some republican artists of much talent had 
made caricature a perfect implement of war against Louis Philippe and 
against all men of the Juste Milieu; they had far surpassed the English in 
this style of polemics, the sharpest and most incisive of all. The new laws 
broke this weapon in their hands. 

The constitutional opposition resisted energetically; it felt that the gov- 
ernment of July, by seeking to exaggerate its actual strength, was risking 
its future. There was deep emotion in the assembly when Royer-CoUard, 
the aged head of the doctrinal school, recalled to constitutional principles his 
disciples, Broglie and Guizot. He worthily crowned his career by his grand 
and austere defence of legitimate liberty. One seemed to have gone back 
to the Restoration, and it was the doctrinaires and one of the liberal parties 
who replaced Villele and Peyronnet. 

Dupin, with less haughtiness, but plenty of common-sense and logic, 
also supported the cause of press and jury. But all in vain. The majority 
was maddened by Fieschi's attempt, and voted for everything ; even increas- 
ing the terms proposed. The chamber of peers followed the chamber of 
deputies. There also, however, eloquent protests were made; Villemain, 
Guizot's former and celebrated colleague at the Sorbonne, made a brilliant 
but ineffectual defence of liberty. The laws against press and jury were 
termed the "laws of September," because the decisive vote took place on the 
9th of that month. The republicans called them the " Fieschi laws."" 


Amongst the prominent possibilities for ministerial power two were spe- 
cially prominent — Guizot and Thiers. Guizot was a Protestant and a 
native of Nimes. He was still quite young in 1815, but had already occu- 
pied important positions. At first an enthusiastic royalist, the extremist 
members of his party had driven him to join the opposition. As a professor 
of history he had won the applause of his pupils. His mind was dry but 
powerful ; as a writer he was stiff but dignified ; in the tribune the ideas he 
expressed were methodically formulated and his style was cold and haughty ; 
in public life he maintained an attitude of proud severity. Since Royer- 
CoUard had grown too old for public functions Guizot had been the leading 
man of the "theoretical politicians." This name was given at the Restora- 
tion to a party of men whose power consisted more in their talents than in 
their number (a wag had said that the whole party could sit on one sofa). 
The name did not imply that they were consistently attached to the same 

H. W. — VOL. XIII. F 


[1833-1840 A.D.] 

theories for long together, but there was a certain sententiousness in their 
language which justified the title. 

Guizot was the historian and the theoretical exponent of the policy 
whose statesman had been Casimir Perier. He had founded a historical and 
philosophical system on the power given to the upper middle class, tha,t is to 
say on the most ephemeral of expedients. His past life and his opinions 
constituted him the most conservative of the Orleanist party. 

Thiers was just the reverse ; at that time he was young and modern ; a 
little rotund man, with a peculiar face already adorned by the traditional 
spectacles, sparkling with wit and vivacity, very supple minded, clever in 
adapting himself to circumstances, understanding or at least in touch with 
everything, drawn to the people by the poverty of his early life and by his 
ardent enthusiasm, imbued with the history of the empire, an ardent admirer 
of military exploits and of strong measures, he formed, during six years of 
uninterrupted rivalry, the strongest possible contrast to Guizot. 

Guizot and Thiers both became members of the same government that of 
the 11th of October, 1833. This ministry passed through many vicissitudes, 
was modified several times, and had many different chiefs. 

The marked feature of all succeeding combinations, the union of Guizot 
and Thiers, disappeared in 1836. For a short time Thiers was alone. But 
the king had made a plan of his own, and on the 15th of April, 1837, as we 
shall see, he made Mole prime minister. Mole's chief merit in the king's 
eyes was that he was ready to do as he was told ; in short, he acknowledged 
the king as his master. The idea of a personal government made men of 
all shades of opinion, and even those who were bitter rivals, unite against 
the new minister. Thiers, Guizot, and the man who wished to bring the 
new regime back to the traditions of the Revolution of 1830, Odilon Barrot, 
formed a coalition which included men of every party who had united with 
all those who had taken leading parts in the government of July. Mole 
tried to make himself popular. He set free political prisoners, and resolved 
to grant the amnesty which everyone, as everyone always does, had declared 
to be impossible, but which everybody, and this too is a common occurrence, 
applauded as soon as it was accomplished. The amnesty reflects credit on 
the Mole ministry, but it did not save it. It succumbed in 1839 beneath the 
repeated attacks of its opponents. 

The latter split up into sections immediately after their victory. A 
crisis which seemed interminable supervened. For two months, abortive 
measures and manoeuvres which became the laughing-stock of the news- 
papers perpetually proclaimed the inefficacy of the government. It was only 
when, during an insurrection, the sound of firing was heard, that a ministry 
was formed in which neither of the leaders of the party had a place. This 
was the last expedient of the reign. Soon, after so many short ministries, 
there was to be one which was too durable and which was to put an end to 
the existing state of things. 

The struggle between Thiers and Guizot occupied the closing years of 
the reign. On the 1st of March, 1840, Louis Philippe decided to request 
Thiers to form a government. In doing this the king acknowledged himself 
defeated: first because Thiers was most intolerant of the king's interference 
in affairs of state, and secondly because he represented the boldest element, 
the section which was most nearly allied to the Left benches, of the Orleanist 
party. Louis Philippe resigned himself, not without misgivings, to this state 
of things, and Guizot agreed to absent himself from the debates in the cham- 
ber, and even to serve under his rival by accepting the embassy in London. 


[1831-1810 A.D.] 

And what was Thiers going to do that would not have been done by a 
docile instrument of the king ? He gave up all the reforms, and all the 
principles in whose name he had just made such a determined opposition. 
The minister's language was different, his relations with the left benches 
were dissimilar, but the policy was the same. Thiers began by refusing 
either to change anything in the repressive laws made during the previous 
ten years, or to undertake any electoral reform. One or two hundred 
thousand rich men would continue to vote and to govern, to the exclusion 
of the ten million citizens ; and, in order to keep the latter in subjection, all 
the weapons which had been forged during the government of July for the 
maintenance of authority were preserved. 

Outside the kingdom Thiers did nothing more ; indeed he could do noth- 
ing. The fact was it was difficult enough for him to get the king to accept 
him at all. Unpopular and feeling his position continually threatened at 
the Tuileries, he dared not act. He governed, but was paralysed by 

Only two measures were prepared by him, and he had not time to carry 
them through. He formed the plan for the fortification of Paris, a plan 
which was variously regarded by different parties. The liberals looked 
upon it as a military precaution against foreign foes ; the court as a means 
of subduing Paris in case of need. The events of 1870 sufficiently proved 
that, from a national point of view, Thiers was right. The plan was revived 
by Marshal Soult during the next ministry and was sanctioned. Thus, 
thirty years later, Paris was able to defend herself. 

With Thiers, too, originated the idea of bringing back the remains of 
Napoleon I in triumph from St. Helena and placing them in the Invalides. 
Thus more warlike ideas, which would have given France a prouder position 
amongst the nations of Europe, but which were held in check by the king, 
and which the minister found himself obliged to abandon one after another, 
were all merged in a sort of funeral procession in honour of the conqueror 
who, in the name of France, had dictated laws to the whole world.* We 
may now review in some detail the ministries from 1836 to 1840, first noting 
the war with Abdul-Kadir." 


In the province of Oran a new power had arisen, one very dangerous to 
the French, that of a young Arab chief, full of courage and intelligence, the 
descendant of a family which exercised a hereditary religious influence. 
Abdul-Kadir presented himself to the Moslem tribes as being the man whom 
the prophet Mohammed had destined to deliver them from the " Rumis " 
(Christians). General Desmichels, who commanded at Oran was imprudent 
enough to treat Abdul-Kadir as an equal and to recognise him as the emir, 
the prince of all the Moslems of that country (February 25th, 1834). French 
authority thus imposed Abdul-Kadir on those very Moslems who till then 
had not wished to submit to him. He was not content with dominating the 
province of Oran, where the French occupied only a few points ; he presumed 
to establish his lieutenants even in the province of Algeria. 

A rupture was inevitable ; and, at the battle of the Macta, a small French 
force commanded by General Trezel disengaged itself only with great dilh- 
culty and loss from the midst of large numbers of Arabs united under Abdul- 
Kadir (June 26th, 1835). The French government decided finally to send 
into Africa General (later Marshal) Clausel, accompanied by the duke ot 


[1835-1837 A.D.] 

Orleans. Marshal Clausel took the offensive against Abdul-Kadir, scored a 
victory at Mascara, the residence of the emir, and occupied Tlemcen (Novem- 
ber, 1835-January, 1836). These were the two principal cities of the 

province of Oran. ai.j i t;- j- 

The marshal, however, had not received sufficient forces ; Abdul-Kadir 
might continue the war, and, on the other hand, the bey of Constantine, who 
ruled in the east of Algeria and constituted another independent power in 
that region, was defying and harassing the French. Clausel returned to 
Paris to ask for reinforcements. It was 'during the ministry of Thiers, who 
had understood the necessity of putting an end to half -measures. He would 
have enabled Clausel to act on a large scale. Unfortunately he fell and his 
successors did not inherit his broad views. Clausel did not have at his dis- 
posal all the resources which he thought necessary to make an attack upon 
Constantine. There was necessity for it, however, if all authority in the 
eastern province was not to be lost. The weather was bad, the season 
advanced. Clausel decided nevertheless to risk the expedition. 

The marshal set out from Bona November 8th, 1836, with a small force of 
less than nine thousand men, including some native auxiliaries. He arrived 
before Constantine on the 21st, after having crossed the Little Atlas with 
great difficulty in the midst of winter rains which made this rugged country 
almost impassable. As Ahmed Bey was unpopular, it had been hoped that 
the Kabyle and Arab tribes would join the French. But upon seeing the 
numerical weakness of the French, they remained on the side of the bey and 
the French troops saw them upon their flanks while the city was defended 
by a strong garrison well provided with artillery. The ground was so soft 
that it had not even been possible to bring up the light field-guns on this 
kind of isthmus. 

A double attack failed. Provisions and even munitions were growing 
scarce. Retreat became inevitable. It was forty leagues to Bona and the 
French troops must cross the mountains harassed, by thousands of Arab 
horsemen. The Arabs tried to destroy the rearguard, where a weak battal- 
ion of the 2nd light cavalry was protecting the ammunition wagons loaded 
with the wounded. The Arab cavalry threw themselves in a body upon 
this handful of men. The commandant Changarnier gave orders to form a 
square and resolutely await the multitude of enemies. The fire of two ranks 
at pistol range covered the ground with men and horses. The Arabs were 
thoroughly tired of the charge and contented themselves henceforth with 
sharpshooting at a distance. This incident made the military fortune of 
the commandant Changarnier. 

Marshal Clausel conducted the retreat to Bona with much vigour and 
skill. The ministry, with which he was not in favour, made him bear all 
the responsibility of this defeat and recalled him. They appointed General 
Damremont to succeed him, but returned to the bad system of having a 
general at Oran who was independent of the governor of Algiers. General 
Bugeaud, who had the reputation of an energetic officer, was sent to Oran ; 
there was reason to hope that he would dispose of Abdul-Kadir. But he 
allowed himself to be entangled in the diplomatic schemes of the Arab chief 
and signed a new treaty with him worse than that of his predecessor, Des- 
michels. In return for a vague acceptance of the sovereignty of France, 
Bugeaud recognised Abdul-Kadir as emir, not only of nearly the whole of 
the province of Oran, but of the province of Titery, intermediate between 
the provinces of Oran and Algiers ; he even conceded to him a part of the 
territory of Algiers. Abdul-Kadir's authority extended then beyond Medea, 


[1836-1837 A.D.] 

to the last chain of the Little Atlas, above Blida, in fact, into the Metidja 
itself. The wretched Treaty of the Tafna thus meant a precarious peace 
which gave the emir the means and the time to organise a strong opposition. 
The governor of Algiers at least made use of it to operate in the province 
of Constantine and repair the losses of Clausel ; for it had been felt to be 
impossible to remain quiet under this blow. 

General Damremont had not a much larger force than Clausel — 10,000 
men altogether ; but he set out much earlier in the season, well provisioned 
and equipped with siege guns. The army arrived before Fort Constantine 
in the best of condition on the 6th of October. The autumn rains had be- 
gun. Unprecedented efforts were necessary to drag the cannon up Coudiat- 
Aty. _ The breach, nevertheless, was opened the 11th of October. On the . 
following morning General Damremont approached to reconnoitre the 
breach. He was instantly killed by a bullet. The loss of this brave leader, 
instead of disheartening the army, inspired it. An old soldier of the repub- 
lic, the artillery-general Valee, took the command, immediately ordered the 
firing to recommence, and on the morning of the 13th sent three columns to 
the assault. The first was in command of Lieutenant-Colonel Lamoriciere, 
and was composed principally of Zouaves. This corps, since become so 
famous, had originally been formed of native auxiliaries and retained its 
picturesque oriental costume, though recruited with Frenchmen and fre- 
quently with Parisians. Lamoriciere impetuously spurred on his men, 
scaled the breach, and penetrated into the city, supported by the other two 
columns. A bloody struggle was kept up from house to house in the 
narrow streets and amid the ruins made by the cannon. Lamoriciere was 
cruelly burned by the explosion of a powder magazine, but he survived and 
had a brilliant military career. 

When the French columns had united in the middle of the city, what was 
left of the Mussulman authorities surrendered, and the firing ceased. A 
frightful scene marked the end of resistance. A great number of the 
inhabitants had madly attempted to escape from the city by descending the 
jagged rocks of the gorge of the Rummel. Many of these unfortunates 
tumbled from rock to rock and were dashed to pieces in the bed of the tor- 
rent. The conquest of the ancient capital of Numidia gave France a firm 
base for the future in the interior of Algeria. The event did the army much 
honour ; but the ministry did not derive from the amnesty nor from the 
taking of Constantine the hoped-for effect upon the elections.^ 


Between 1836 and 1840, the cabinet was modified five times successively: 
its leaders were Thiers, Count Mole, Broglie, Marshal Soult, and once again 

In the first ministry of Thiers the cabinet did not last long. Thiers 
soon settled the internal difiiculties ; he succeeded in adjourning the con- 
version of stock, and was supported by the majority of the chamber. It 
was during this ministry that one of the men who were to a great extent 
responsible for the revolution of July, having, with Thiers and Mignet, 
founded Le National, disappeared from the scene. Armand Carrel, sep- 
arated from his former colleagues, had ardently embraced republican doc- 
trines of which his paper soon became the mouthpiece ; he had however 
rejected communism. A political quarrel with M. de Girardin who had just 
founded La Presse brought about a duel in which the editor of Le National 


[1836-1837 A.D.] 

was mortally wounded. He died at St. Mande, after having refused the 
consolations of religion, saying that he died in the faith of Benjamin Con- 
stant, of Manuel, and of liberty. The home policy of Thiers was very judi- 
cious but his foreign policy was a failure. Wishing to restore France to the 
position she had formerly occupied amongst the powers of Europe, Thiers 
was anxious for the French government to interfere in Spanish affairs by 
sending troops to put a stop to the civil war in Spain, by repulsing Don 
Carlos and by supporting the young queen Isabella II. The king took fright 
at the idea of an expedition into the Peninsula. "Let us help the Spaniards 
from without," he said, " but do not let us embark on their ship ; if we do 
we shall certainly have to take the helm, and God knows what will happen." 
Thiers sent in his resignation and was succeeded by Mole and Guizot. 

The union of these two ministers did not last long and was brought to 
an end by an important event. 


This ministry had not been in existence two months when the attempt 
made at Strasburg by Louis Bonaparte took place. 

The nephew of Napoleon I had been living for some years at the castle 
of Arenenberg in Switzerland with his mother, and was a captain of artillery 
in the Swiss army. The continual risings which took place in France, and 
the letters of his partisans, made him believe that the time, had come for 
attempting, by means of a military revolution, to replace on the throne the 
Napoleonic dynasty of which he was the head now that the duke of Reich- 
stadt was dead. He had succeeded in opening communications with the 
garrison of Strasburg. On the 29th of October, 1836, he arrived at Stras- 
burg. The next day at five o'clock in the morning. Colonel Vaudrey 
presented him to the fourth artillery regiment. For a few moments he 
succeeded in arousing the enthusiasm of the soldiers who cried " Long live 
Napoleon ! Long live the Emperor ! " But the 46th line regiment, under 
Lieutenant-Colonel Taillandier, turned a deaf ear to these outcries and 
remained faithful to their duty. By order of their commanding officer, the 
infantry surrounded Louis Bonaparte and took him prisoner. Louis Philippe 
sent him to America. The other conspirators were brought to trial and 
acquitted, for the jury were unwilling to pronounce them guilty when the 
chief culprit had been sent away unpunished. 

This acquittal made the government uneasy and the "bill of Separation," 
or law of Disjunction, was brought before the chambers. This bill pro- 
vided that when civil and military offenders were both implicated in the 
same plot, the former only should be tried at the assizes, and the others by 
a pourt martial. The bill, which was fiercely attacked by Berryer, was 
rejected. The ministry were unable to survive this reverse. A ministerial 
crisis supervened, and ten days were spent in intrigues and negotiations, but 
eventually the court party led by Mole carried the day. 

Mole remained in power nearly two years. Four important events 
relating to foreign policy took place during this ministry. The first was the 
marriage of the duke of Orleans, the king's eldest son. This young prince 
married on the 30th of May, 1837, the Lutheran princess Helen of Mecklen- 
burg. It was on the occasion of this marriage that the galleries of Versailles, 
containing sculptures and paintings illustrating the chief events of French 
history, were thrown open to the public. An amnesty was granted to all 
criminal and political offenders who were then ia prison. The second publio 


P838-1840 A.D.] 

act of the ministry was their intervention in America. The Mexican govern- 
ment refused to make any reparationfor injuries suffered by French merchants. 
A fleet commanded by Rear- Admiral Baudin and the prince de Joinville bom- 
barded the fort of San Juan de Ulua near Vera Cruz. By the treaty of 
March 9th Mexico granted the claims of France. An intervention of the same 
kind took place in Buenos Ayres, but it was many years before the required 
reparation was obtained. 

The republic of Haiti, formerly under French rule, had obtained its 
independence in 1825 by paying an indemnity of 150,000,000 francs to the 
original colonists. The payment of this indemnity was so long delayed that 
it was found necessary to send a fleet to these parts also. The republic thus 
intimidated, yielded and agreed to pay 60,000,000 francs, which sum the 
French consented to accept. The other two events, which have been already 
recorded, were the recognition of Belgium and the evacuation of Ancona. 

The ministry was keenly attacked by the coalition. The heads of par- 
ties in the chamber, Thiers, Guizot, and Odilon Barrot, united against 
M. Mole. The debate on the address in reply to the king's speech was very' 
heated (January, 1839). M. Mole obtained only a very slight majority in 
favour of the amendments, which he himself proposed, to this document, 
which was drawn up in a spirit very hostile to the ministry. He wished to 
retire, but the king retained him and dissolved the chamber. The elections 
went in favour of the coalition. Mole retired on the 8th of March, 1839. 
Parliamentary tradition triumphed over monarchical tradition. The deputies 
had vanquished the king, of whom Thiers said " he reigns but he does not 

For two months all sorts of systems and plans were discussed. The 
three chiefs could not agree ; each one wished to have the chief power. 
The king, who did not much relish being ruled by them, put them aside saying, 
"Gentlemen, try to come to an agreement." Provisional ministers were 
appointed to carry on the necessary business. Their names were greeted 
by peals of laughter and by gibes. The disorder became so great that the 
republican party took advantage of it to raise an insurrection. On the 
12th of May the society called " The Seasons," led by Barbes and Blanqui, 
attacked an armourer's store. Being repulsed, they entrenched themselves 
behind a barricade. After a desperate resistance, they were almost all killed 
or taken prisoners. Barbes and Blanqui were condemned to death, but 
their punishment was commuted to imprisonment for life. However, they 
were released in 1848. On the very evening of this attempted rising a 
regular ministry was formed. 


This ministry lasted only ten months. At this period the Eastern ques- 
tion began to occupy public attention, but its difficulties were not the cause 
of the fall of the ministry, which was due to the disagreements on the ques- 
tion of a royal dowry. The marriage of the duke de Nemours seemed to 
Louis Philippe a suitable occasion for demanding for his son an income of 
half a million, to be provided from the public treasury. Public opinion was 
very hostile to such demands for money. Numerous petitions called on the 
chamber to refuse the dowry. The day for deciding the question by vote 
arrived. The ministry, feeling certain of success, did not defend the meas- 
ure, and realised what an error had been committed only when the votes 
were counted and two hundred and twenty-six black balls were announced 


[1810 A.S.] 

against two hundred white ones. The ministry went out of office. M. 
Thiers loved revolutions, glory, and fighting, and professed a sort of cult 
for the genius of the emperor. These predilections being in accordance 
with popular feeling, he was recalled to power. 

Since 1792 Louis Philippe had been fearing lest a victory of his foreign 
foes might encourage them to march on Paris, which was undefended. In 
1814 and in 1817 he had vainly tried to induce Louis XVIII to render the 
heart of France invulnerable, by the adequate fortification of Paris. Since 
1830 all propositions in favour of carrying out this scheme had been frus- 
trated. At length, however, the march of events supplemented the king's 
convictions and perseverance. France was apprehensive of a war with the 
whole of Europe. A French defeat, and a bold march on the part of the 
enemy might lead to the taking of Paris. A bill was passed for encircling 
Paris with ramparts protected by enormous forts. This work, which was 
carried out in less than seven years, cost 140,000,000 francs. 


Either as a means of exciting patriotic feeling or in accordance with the 
policy which wished to found the government of July on the renown of the 
first Napoleon, the king, in accordance with his ministers, resolved to 
demand from England the ashes of the emperor, who had died at St. 
Helena. Lord Palmerston granted the demand, and the prince de JoinviUe, 
on board the frigate Belle Poule, went to fetch these precious relics. * 

The frigate made a good passage, and arrived in safety at St. Helena. The 
officers intrusted with the melancholy duty were received with the utmost 
respect by the English garrison, and every preparation was made to give due 
solemnity to the disinterment of the emperor's remains. The solitary tomb 
under the willow tree was opened, the winding-sheet rolled back with pious 
care, and the features of the immortal hero exposed to the view of the 
entranced spectators. So perfectly had the body been embalmed that the 
features were undecayed, the countenance serene, even a smile on the lips, 
and his dress the same, since immortalised in statuary, as when he stood on 
the fields of Austerlitz or Jena. Borne first on a magnificent hearse, and 
then down to the harbour on the shoulders of the British grenadiers, amidst 
the discharge of artillery from the vessels, batteries, and all parts of the 
island, the body was lowered into the French frigate, and England nobly 
and in a right spirit parted with the proudest trophy of her national glory. 
The Belle Poule had a favourable voyage home, and reached Havre in safety 
in the beginning of December. The interment was fixed for the 15th of 
the same month — not at St. Denis, amidst her ancient sovereigns, but in 
the church of the Invalides, beside the graves of Turenne, Vauban, Lannes, 
and the paladins of France ; and every preparation was made for giving the 
utmost magnificence to the absorbing spectacle. 

Nothing could exceed the enthusiasm and excitement which prevailed in 
Paris when the day fixed for the august ceremony arrived. The weather 
was favourable ; the sun shone forth in unclouded brilliancy, but a piercing 
wind from the north blew with such severity that several persons perished 
of cold as they were waiting for the funeral procession. Early on the 
morning of the 15th, the coffin, which had been brought by the Seine to 
Courbevoie the preceding evening, was placed on a gigantic funeral-car, and 
at ten it began its march, attended by an immense and splendid military 
escort, and amidst a crowd of six hundred thousand spectators. So dense 


[1840 A.D.] 

was the throng that it was half -past one when the procession reached the 
place de la Concorde, from whence it passed by the bridge of the same name 
to the church of the Invalides, where it was received by the king, the royal 
family, with the archbishop and all the clergy of Paris. " Sire," said the 
prince de Joinville, who approached at the head of the coffin, " I present to 
you the body of the emperor Napoleon. " " General Bertrand," said the king, 
"I command you to place the sword of the emperor on his coffin." When 
this was done, he said, " General Gourgaud, place the hat of the emperor on 
his coffin." This also was done ; and, the king having withdrawn, the coffin 
was placed on a magnificent altar in the centre of the church, the funeral 
service was performed with the utmost solemnity, and the Dies Irce chanted 
with inexpressible effect by a thousand voices. Finally, the coffin, amidst 
entrancing melody, was lowered into the grave, while every eye in the vast 
assemblage was wet with tears, and the bones of Napoleon " finally reposed 
on the banks of the Seine, amidst the people whom he had loved so well."'? 


France intervened in the interests of the pacha of Egypt, for whose suc- 
cess she was anxious, though she did not desire the destruction of Turkey. 
The pacha checked the march of his victorious army. France and England 
ought to have come to an understanding, for their interests were similar; 
but England was jealous of France's position in Egypt. Besides, the czar 
Nicholas hated Louis Philippe. In London a conference met to discuss the 
affairs of the East ; Russia, England, Austria, and Prussia signed a treaty 
without deigning to include France, When this insult became known, pop- 
ular feeling was aroused, and a sentiment of keen irritation spread through 
France. It was suggested that the nation should rise in arms to avenge this 
insult to the national honour. Thiers made preparations for war, and called 
out the national guard. This was a dangerous attitude for France to adopt 
for it was impossible to declare war on the whole of Europe. Louis Philippe 
understood this, and when Thiers, having drawn up a statement which assumed 
war to be imminent, asked the immediate convocation of the chambers to 
support this policy, the king refused to follow his advice. This was equal 
to dismissing the minister and Thiers resigned. A short time after, the 
Eastern difficulty was settled by the Convention of the Straits, which was 
signed by France as well as by the other powers. This treaty forbade all 
vessels, of whatever nationality, to enter the Dardanelles, and made Egypt 
subject to Turkey. France had thus regained her position in Europe. There 
followed the ministry which lasted from the 29th of October, 1840, till the 
24th of February, 1848. 

Marshal Soult was directed to form a ministry. This cabinet had more 
stability than those which preceded it and lasted till the fall of Louis Philippe. 
M. Guizot had complete management of affairs, and relied constantly on the 
support of the majority in the chamber, without taking into consideration 
either the wishes or opinion of the country.* 

louis-napoleon's second attempt at a coup d'etat 

Louis Philippe left Paris for his castle of Eu, where he had given a ren- 
dezvous to MM. Thiers and Guizot for the purpose of discussing Eastern 
affairs. There he received strange tidings : Louis Napoleon had landed at 
Boulogne on August 6th, 1840. The latter, since he had transferred his 


[1840 A.D.] 

residence to England, had recommenced the same operations as in Switzer- 
land; bribing newspapers, distributing pamphlets, tampering with officers 
and sergeants. He believed he could count upon the commander of the 
departement du Nord, General Magnan, an equivocal character, to whom he 
had offered a large sum of money, and who, later on, was to be one of his 
chief accomplices on December 2nd. He had even entered into relations 
with a higher official. Marshal Clausel. He determined to land near Bou- 
logne, purposing to capture the small garrison of that town, to seize the 
castle, which contained a gun magazine, then to direct his steps towards 
the departement du Nord, and from thence to Paris. 

He prepared declamatory proclamations wherein he promised to the 
soldiers " glory, honour, wealth," and to the people reduction of taxes, 
order, and liberty. "Soldiers," he said, "the great spirit of Napoleon 
speaks to you through me. Traitors, be gone, the Napoleonic spirit, which 
cares but for the welfare of the nation, advances to overwhelm you ! " 

He asserted that he had powerful friends abroad as well as at home, who 
had promised to uphold him ; this was an allusion to Russia, whose support 
he believed he possessed and from whom he had very probably received some 
encouragement. In a sketch of a decree, he named Thiers president of the 
provisional government, and Marshal Clausel, commander of the Army of 
Paris. His plans thus laid, he left London by steamer, with General Mon- 
tholon, several officers, about sixty men, and an eagle, destined to play the 
part of a living symbol in the forthcoming drama. 

The expedition landed at night at Vimereux, north of Boulogne, and 
proceeded to that town. The confederates entered the courtyard of the 
barracks of the 42nd regiment of the line. A lieutenant, who was for 
Napoleon, had mustered the men and told them that Louis Philippe reigned 
no longer ; then Louis Bonaparte harangued them. Confused, fascinated, 
they were beginning to shout " Long live the emperor," when there appeared 
upon the scene a captain, who, breaking through the confederates, and regard- 
less of their threats, summoned the non-commissioned officers and men to his 
side. Louis Bonaparte fired a pistol at him, but it missed him and wounded 
a grenadier ; the soldiers rallied round their captain. 

The confederates left the barracks without delay, and ascended to the 
castle, but they were unable to break in the doors. None of the townspeople 
had joined them. The rappel was sounded, and the national guard assembled, 
but against them. They left the town and retreated to the foot of the column 
raised in Napoleon's time in honour of the Grande Armee. The national 
guard and the line regiment advanced upon them. They disappeared. 
Louis Bonaparte and a few of his followers fled towards the sea and swam 
to a yawl, in which they attempted to regain their vessel. 

The national guards opened fire upon the fugitives, several of whom 
were severely wounded ; the yawl capsized and a spent bullet struck Louis 
Bonaparte. Two of his accomplices perished, one was shot, the other 
drowned. Louis Bonaparte survived for the sorrow of France. 

The pretender was this time arraigned with his accomplices before the 
court of peers, which condemned him to imprisonment for life (October 6th). 
He was imprisoned in the castle of Ham, in the same chamber where Polignac 
had been confined. This non-capital sentence confirmed in effect the aboli- 
tion of the death penalty in political affairs, which had been implied in the 
pardon of Barbes. 

This attempt, even more feebly conceived than that of Strasburg, had 
thus failed still more miserably. The pretender had made himself ridicu- 


[1810-1845 A.D.] 

lous in the eyes of the enlightened and educated classes,^ who perused 
the newspapers and knew the details of his adventures. But it was a 
great mistake to look upon him now as harmless, and to forget that the 
majority are not in the habit of reading.c 

EVENTS PEOM 1840-1842 

On the 13th of July, 1842, an unfortunate event cast a gloom over the 
whole country without distinction of party. The duke of Orleans, a kind 
and justly loved prince, was thrown from his carriage and killed. At his 
death, his right of succession passed to his son, the comte de Paris, and a 
child of four years became the heir of the heaviest crown that could be 
borne. From that day the legitimists ceased to hope. The liberals and the 
republicans expected everything for the triumph of their ideas from the 
inevitable weakness of a regency. 

The chambers were convoked at once. They were presented with a law 
which in advance named the duke de Nemours regent. This prince did not 
have the brilliant reputation of the duke of Orleans, the popularity which 
the prince de Joinville had acquired by his services off San Juan de Ulua, 
nor the budding renown which the capture of Abdul-Kadir's smala had 
brought to the duke d'Aumale. The law was passed but without public 

During several years France had enjoyed a period of remarkable pros- 
perity attested by a budget of receipts amounting to 1,343,000,000 francs. 
Popular instruction was advancing ; the penal code had been" lightened in 
severity and the lottery suppressed. The law of expropriation for the cause 
of public utility prevented work undertaken in the interest of the general 
good from being impeded by private interests. Industry took a new start 
from the introduction of machinery and commerce was extending. The 
coasts began to be lit up by lighthouses, the primitive roads to he improved, 
and a vast network of railways was planned. But this plan once conceived, 
instead of first concentrating all the energy of France on the chief artery of 
the country, from Boulogne to Marseilles, the resources were scattered on 
all the lines at once for the sake of satisfying every locality and of thus 
preparing favourable elections. 

These enterprises, as often happens, gave rise to boundless speculation. 
The evil went far, for a minister of the king had been condemned for hav- 
ing sold his signature, a peer of France for having bought it. 

National sentiments had been deeply wounded by the events of 1840. 
Guizot sought a compensation for French pride. He caused the Marquesas 
Islands, sterile rocks in the Pacific Ocean, to be occupied (May, 1842). 
New Zealand was more worth while. The French were about to descend 
upon it when England, being forewarned, took possession and began to 
show jealous susceptibilities. A French officer placed the flag of France on 
the large oceanic island of New Caledonia ; the ministry had it torn down. 
The states of Honduras and Nicaragua claimed French protection. Santo 
Domingo wished the same. It was refused and England seemed to have 
imposed the refusal. On the Society Islands, which the French also took, 
their commercial interests were not sufficient to necessitate an expensive 
establishment. The cession of Mayotte (1848) was a better negotiation 
because that island offered a refuge to French ships which Bourbon could 

[1 A tame eagle, which he carried to suggest the Napoleonic eagles, was captured, and put in 
theZo51ogical Gardens of Paris.] 


[1843-1845 A.D.] 

not give them, and a naval station in the vicinity of Madagascar. On 
Tahiti, in the Society Islands, an English missionary, Pritchard, stirred up 
the natives against the French. / 

Queen Pomare, who governed the island of Tahiti, placed herself under 
French protection. But Pritchard, the Englishman, who was at the same 
time consul, Protestant missionary, and dispensing chemist, fearing to lose 
his influence over the natives, urged the queen to pull down the French flag 
and roused the natives to rebellion ; many French sailors were massacred. 
The admiral, indignant at this conduct, had Pritchard arrested, and he was 
set at liberty only on condition that he would go to the Sandwich Isles. 
The English government claimed that it had been insulted, and demanded 
satisfaction. The king refused first of all; then, fearing a rupture, disavowed 
the admiral's act and offered a pecuniary indemnity to England, which was 

Public opinion considered that the dignity of the country had been com- 
promised by this act. People were tired of always yielding to England. 
In the address to the throne in 1845, a majority of only eight votes pre- 
vented the expression of severe censure on the conduct of the government 
in the Pritchard affair. »' 

The right of mutually inspecting ships, agreed upon with England in 
1841, for the repression of the slave-trade, was another concession to the 
proud neighbours of France. This time the opposition in the country was 
so active that the chamber forced the minister to tear up the treaty and, 
by new conventions, to replace the French marine under the protection of 
the national flag (May, 1845). 

War with Ahdul-Kadir 

The chamber, impelled in this direction by public opinion, wanted at 
least to continue the conquest of Algeria. The ministry had the merit of 
choosing an energetic and skilful man, General Bugeaud, who succeeded in 
impressing both respect and terror on the Arabs. 

Abdul-Kadir had violated the Treaty of Tafna, proclaimed the holy war, 
and by the rapidity of his movements spread terror in the province of Oran, 
and even brought inquietude to the very gates of Algeria. The general 
pursued him without relaxation clear to the mountains of the Ouarensenis, 
pacified this difficult region and crowded the enemy back into the desert. 
It was in his flight towards the Sahara that the emir, attacked by the duke 
d'Aumale, lost his smala (his family and flocks). May, 1843. 

Taking refuge in Morocco, the emir engaged the emperor in his cause. 
England, perhaps, was not a stranger to this resolve. French territory was 
violated on several occasions and an army which seemed formidable was 
collected on the banks of the Muluiah. France responded to these provoca- 
tions by the bombardment of Tangiers and Mogador, which the prince de 
JomviUe directed under the eyes of the irritated English fleet, and by the 
victory of Isly, which General Bugeaud gained with 8,500 men and 1,400 
horses over 25,000 horsemen (August 14th, 1844). The emperor, being so 
severely punished, signed the peace — which was not made onerous for him, 
since France was rich enough, said the ministry, to pay for its glory. The 
principal clause of the treaty, providing that Abdul-Kadir be confined to 
the west, remained for a long time unexecuted ; but after a new and vain 
attempt upon Algeria the emir tried to establish a party in the empire 
Itself. This time Abd ar-Rahman, being directly threatened, bethought 


[1840-1847 A.D.] 

himself of his treaty with the French, and Abdul-Kadir, thrown back on the 
French advance posts, was reduced to surrendering to General Lamoriciere 
(November 23rd, 1847). 

In Morocco, as at Tahiti, England had been found opposed to France. 
Thus the English alliance, too eagerly sought after, had brought only 
trouble. But it was said that it assured the peace of the world. However, 
a marriage came near breaking it — that of the duke of Montpensier with 
the sister of the queen of Spain. 

1 The Spanish Marriages 

Queen Christina, then regent of Spain, feeling herself entirely depend- 
ent on the liberal party for the preservation of her daughter's throne, and 
being well aware that it was in France alone that she could find the prompt 
military assistance requisite to support her against the Carlists, who formed 
a great majority of the Spanish population, naturally bethought herself of 
the favourable opportunity presented by the marriageable condition of the 
princes of one country and the princesses of the other, to cement their 
union by matrimonial alliances. With this view, although the princesses, 
her daughters, were as yet too young for marriage, she made formal pro- 
posals before 1840 to Louis Philippe for a double marriage, one between the 
duke d'Aumale, the king's third son, and Queen Isabella, her eldest daugh- 
ter, and another between the duke of Montpensier, his fourth son, and the 
infanta Luisa Fernanda, her second daughter. 

How agreeable soever these proposals were to Louis Philippe, who 
desired nothing so much as to see his descendants admitted into the family 
of European sovereigns, he was too sagacious not to perceive that the hazard 
with which they were attended more than counterbalanced the advantages. 
It was evident that such a marriage of the duke d'Aumale with the queen 
of Spain would at once dissolve the entente cordiale with Great Britain, on 
which the stability of his throne so much depended ; for however much the 
liberal government of England might desire to see constitutional monarchies 
established in the peninsula, it was not to be expected it would like to see 
the crown of Spain placed on the head of a French prince. It was already 
surmised, too, that the cabinet of London had views of its own for the hand 
of the younger princess. He therefore returned a courteous answer, declining 
the hand of the queen for the duke d'Aumale, but expressing the satisfac- 
tion it would afford him to see the duke of Montpensier united to the infanta. 

The next occasion on which the subject of the Spanish marriages was 
brought forward was when Queen Christina took refuge in Paris, during one 
of the numerous convulsions to which Spain had been subject since the 
attempt was made to introduce democratic institutions among its inhabit- 
ants. Louis Philippe then declared to the exiled queen-regent that the 
most suitable spouse for her daughter the queen would be found in one of 
the descendants in the male line of Philip V, king of Spain, the sovereign 
on the throne when the Treaty of Utrecht was signed. The object of this 
proposal was indirectly to exclude the pretensions of the prince of Coburg, 
cousin-german to Prince Albert, whom rumour had assigned as one of the 
suitors for the hand of the young queen, and at the same time avoid excit- 
ing the jealousy of the British government by openly courting the alliance 
for a French prince. 

Matters were in this situation, with the question still open, so tar as 
diplomatic intercourse was concerned, but the views and interests of the two 


[1842-1846 A.D.] 

cabinets were well understood by the ministers on both sides, when Queen 
Victoria in the autumn of 1842 paid a visit to the French monarch at the 
chateau d'Eu in Normandy, which was followed next spring by a similar act 
of courtesy on the part of Louis Philippe to the queen of England in the 
princely halls of Windsor, Fortunately the pacific inclinations of the two 
sovereigns were aided by the wisdom and moderation of the ministers on 
both sides ; and under the direction of Lord Aberdeen and Guizot a com- 
promise was agreed on of the most fair and equitable kind. It was stipu- 
lated that the king of France should renounce all pretensions, on the part of 
any of his sons, to the hand of the queen of Spain ; and, on the other hand, 
that the royal heiress should make her selection among the princes descend- 
ants of Philip V, which excluded the dreaded competition of a prince of 
the house of Coburg. And in regard to the marriage of the duke of Mont- 
pensier with the infanta Dona Luisa Fernanda, Louis Philippe positively 
engaged that it should not take place till the queen was married and had 
had children (ies enfants). On this condition the queen of England con- 
sented to waive all objections to the marriage when these events had taken 
place ; and it was understood that this consent on both sides was to be depend- 
ent on the hand of the queen being bestowed on a descendant of Philip V 
and no other competitor./ 

The sagacious Louis Philippe now discovered a certain half -idiotic cousin 
of Isabella of Spain, deficient in every power both of body and mind ; and in 
a secret and underhand manner he celebrated the wedding of this miserable 
being with the queen ; and immediately afterwards that of his son with the 
handsome, blooming, and wealthy Luisa Fernanda, who, in addition to her 
present possessions, which were very large, carried to her husband the 
succession to the Spanish crown, in the absolute impossibility of any issue 
from her sister's unhappy marriage. Hard feeling and political opposition 
were roused by this degrading trickery — and England learned, with a senti- 
ment of regret and compassion, that Guizot, whose talents and character had 
hitherto commanded her respect, had been deluded by the crowned tempter 
at his ear to defend his conduct on the quibble that the marriages were not 
celebrated at the same time — some little interval having occurred between 
them — and that this was all he had promised. Suspicion and jealousy 
took the place of the former cordial relations. Losing the fervent friend- 
ship of the only constitutional neighbour on whom it could rely, France, like 
a beggar with its bonnet in its hand, waited at the gates of Austria and 
Russia, and begged the moral support of the most despotic of the powers. 
The moral support of Austria and Russia there was but one way to gain, and 
that was by an abnegation of all the principles represented by the accession 
of Louis Philippe, and an active co-operation in their policy of repression. 

At this time the Swiss broke out into violent efforts to obtain a reform. 
Austria quelled the Swiss aspirations with the strong hand, and took up 
a menacing attitude towards the benevolent pontiff, Pius IX. France was 
quiescent ; and the opposition rose into invectives, which were repeated in 
harsher language out of doors. 

The stout shopkeeper who now occupied the throne of Henry IV thought 
that all the requirements of a government were fulfilled if it maintained 
peace with the neighbouring states. Trade he thought might flourish though 
honour and glory were trampled under foot. He accordingly neglected, or 
failed to understand, the disaffection of the middle class, whose pecuniary 
interests he was supposed to represent, but whose higher aspirations he had 
insulted by his truckling attempts to win the sympathy of the old aristocracy 


[1847-1848 A.D.] 

and the foreign despots. Statesmen like Thiers and Odilon Barrot, when 
the scales of office fell from their eyes and the blandishments of the sover- 
eign were withdrawn, perceived that the parliamentary government of the 
charter had become a mockery, and that power had got more firmly consoli- 
dated in royal hands under these deceptive forms than in the time of the 
legitimate kings. A cry therefore suddenly rose from all quarters, except 
the benches of the ministry, for electoral and parliamentary reform; and 
there was also heard the uniformly recurring exclamation, premonitory of all 
serious disturbance, for a diminution of the taxes. The cries were founded 
on justice, and urged in a constitutional manner. Corruption had entered 
into all the elections ; parliamentary purity had become a byword under the 
skilful manipulation of the purse-bearing king; and the expenses of the 
country far exceeded its income, owing to the extravagant building of forts 
and palaces, with which, in the years of his prosperity, he had endeavoured 
to amuse the people, i 


The state of the budget, which was threatened with a yearly deficit, 
increased the difficulty of the situation which was still further aggravated 
by a scarcity of provisions. The method of taxing corn made it difficult to 
provision the country, a matter which was never easy in times previous to 
the construction of railways. There was a succession of bad harvests, and in 
the winter of 1847 a famine resulted. There were riots in all directions, 
and bands of men tramped through the country. At Buzangais, cases of death 
from starvation occurred. Thus everything combined to make the people 
dissatisfied with the government. And there was indeed little to be said in 
its favour. It had achieved nothing and no progress had been made. " To 
carry out such a policy as this," said Lamartine, "a statesman is not required, 
a finger-ppst would do." And one of the moderate party summed up the 
work done by this ministry as : " Nothing, nothing, nothing." 

In short, this strange result was all that Guizot could boast. Little by 
little public opinion unanimously turned against him, and the more unpopu- 
lar he became, the more solid became his majority in the chamber, thanks to 
the system, which, placing the country in the hands of a handful of rich men, 
made the elections a mere mockery. Then a universal outcry arose, and the 
demand for progress and democracy seemed to be concentrated on one point : 
"electoral reform." 

Guizot opposed an obstinate refusal to this demand. Yet very little 
was asked for — not universal suffrage (and Guizot said " the day for uni- 
versal suffrage will never come"), but some reform, however slight it might 
be. Guizot refused to give the vote even to jurymen and academicians ! The 
opposition appealed to public opinion. Banquets were organised in many 
different places for the discussion of reform, at Paris, then at Colmar, Stras- 
burg, Soissons, St. Quentin, and Macon. 


It could not be denied that the excitement was singularly out of propor- 
tion to the idea which was its ostensible cause. The spirit of democracy in 
France had been aroused. Lamartine's book Les Q-irondins added the charm 
of lyric poetry to the recollections of the Revolution. The spectacle offered 
by the July monarchy had gradually influenced the great poet to espouse 


[1818 A.D.] 

the cause of popular progress. In his striking speech at the banquet of 
Magon, which was organised as a tribute to him in honour of his G-irondim 
in the midst of a violent thunderstorm which had not deterred a crowded 
audience from coming to hear him speak, he threatened Guizot's retrograde 
government with "a revolution of scorn." i , ^ . 

I'he year 1848 opened with heated debates, in the course of which Gui- 
zot's whole policy was denounced. A banquet on a vast scale was organised 
in Paris immediately after for the purpose of forwarding Sectoral reform. 
A large piece of ground enclosed by walls near the Champs-Elysees had been 
taken for the occasion. 

The ministry, with less tolerance than it had shown in the preceding 
year, claimed the right to forbid this banquet. This involved the question 
of the liberty of holding public meetings. This right had never yet been 
contested, but Guizot wished to take one more retrograde step. 

Orleanists, liberals, republicans, and legitimists all united in defending 
their rights. Parliament rang with the vehement discussions which ensued 
and in which Ledru-RoUin showed all his great oratorical powers. In spite 
of the threats of the government, it was decided to meet at the Madeleine 
and proceed from there to the banquet. The very evening before the 
banquet was to take place this plan was changed for fear of bringing about 
a massacre. It was stated in the morning papers that the meeting was 
put off, and instead of the demonstration which they had been obliged 
to abandon, the opposition members signed a vote of censure on Guizot. 
But the people nevertheless assembled at the appointed time in front of the 

History repeats itself strangely. It had been the chief anxiety of Loms 
Philippe to avoid another 1830, and yet he was now about to undergo, in 
every detail, the experience of Charles X. The rising of the people to sup- 
port the claims of the opposition, but soon leaving these behind them ; a 
disturbance indefinite at first, but developing into a fierce struggle ; a king 
obstinate at first, then willing to make one concession after another, but 
never agreeing to make them until it was too late ; then the flight across 
France and the departure for England : such was the history of both these 

Two things increased Louis Philippe's confidence : Firstly, he had not 
violated the letter of the law. Though he had in a measure twisted the 
revolution of 1830 to his own purposes, he had done so by ruling his minis- 
ters, and by gaining over the electoral body. He did not realise that he was 
in the long run preparing a lasting disgrace for himself. His fall was none 
the less certain because instead of violating the rights of the people he had 
merely distorted them. His fall would only be the more petty for that. 
Secondly, he had in Paris, what Polignac had so signally lacked, a strong 
and numerous army. 

Had he not easily succeeded in suppressing all risings which had taken 
place ? He forgot that troops which are always firm and always victorious 
when dealing with the revolt of part of a nation, are useless when the people 
as a whole are actuated by the same opinion. Under such circumstances 
revolution pervades the air and paralyses the powers of the army. The troops 
hesitate, and sometimes recede. However this may be, on the 22nd of 
February, while the deputies of the opposition were preparing to ask Guizot's 
majority to pass a vote of censure on Guizot, an enormous crowd surged 
round the Madeleine, the populace began to parade the streets, and columns 
were formed at various points. 


[1848 A.D.] 


Among the troops called out to defend the government, the municipal 
guards, then very unpopular, made a vigorous charge and several on the 
other side were wounded. The army began to hesitate. At one place the 
crowd awaited an attack crying, " The dragoons forever ! " The dragoons 
sheathed their swords. The government was afraid to call out the national 
guards, whom they mistrusted : wherever they were called out they cried, 
"Eeform forever ! " and tried to interpose between the troops and the people. 
But though a storm was brewing it did not burst yet. The streets were 
crowded with an infuriated mob, demonstrations were continually taking 
place, and now and then there was a skirmish with the troops. That was 
all, so far, but the more enthusiastic among the republicans were making 
steady efforts to get the populace to rise. 

The king slept that evening confident that nothing serious would happen. 
During the night the troops bivouacked in the silence of Paris beneath a 
rainy sky, and the cannon were fixed ready for use. The next morning 
(February 23rd) the troops, who had spent the night in the mud, were weary 
and discontented. 

Barricades had been hastily raised in all parts of the town. There was 
no desperate struggle like that of 1830. The barricades were attacked 
without much spirit and were soon deserted only to be reconstructed at a 
little distance. However — in the part where risings usually took place, in the 
populous heart of Paris — the battle raged more fiercely : the veterans of St. 
Merry were fighting against the municipal guard. At the Tuileries no anxiety 
was felt: "What do you call barricades? " said the king, "do you call an 
overturned cab a barricade ? " However, General Jacqueminot resolved on 
that day to call out the national guard. 

During a reign which was virtually that of the bourgeoisie, the national 
guard, like the electoral body, consisted only of bourgeois. The governiag 
class alone carried arms, just as they only were allowed to vote. Therefore 
in the elections previous to 1840 the national guard had been the faithful 
ally of the government. They had shown themselves no less energetic 
against the barricades of the first half of the reign than the rest of the 
troops. But times had changed and everyone was thoroughly sick of 
Guizot's policy. "When the soldiers were called out, they assembled crying, 
" Reform forever ! " One regiment had inscribed this on its flag ; another 
refused to cry " God save the king 1 " A third sent a deputation to the 
Bourbon palace to try to overcome the resistance of the ministry. At 
another place when the municipal guards were going to charge the crowd, 
the national guard opposed them with their bayonets. When the news of 
all this reached the king at the Tuileries he was filled with surprise and 
grief. He realised that he had lost the allegiance of the national guard in 
which he had such absolute confidence, the men for whose sake he had 
governed 1 

He then made a first concession agreeing that Mole should form a min- 
istry. It was not much of a concession, for the difference between Guizot 
and Mole was only a difference in mental capacity and the rivalry for power 
which existed between them. Besides Mole had already represented the 
personal policy of the king. The king liked him, and in calling him to the 
ministry he merely changed the surname of his minister. But there are 
times when, if a certain name has become universally hateful, such a change 
is sufficient to pacify the public. Besides Mole was obliged to choose his 

H, W. — VOL, XIII. O 


[1818 A.D.] 

cabinet in a conciliatory spirit. Paris, delighted to think that the strife 
was at an end, put on a festive appearance ; the streets were illuminated, 
and gay crowds filled the boulevards when a spark re-ignited the flame of 


Near the Madeleine, troops barred the way. A column of demonstrators 
wished to pass through, and, in accordance with the peaceable feelings just 
then prevailing in Paris, to fraternise with the soldiers. The officer in com- 
mand gave the order to fix bayonets : a shot was fired — whether by the sol- 
diers or by the crowd is not known. How many times in French history 
have such accidents, the source of which is wrapped in mystery, proved the 
cause of terrible bloodshed ! What sinister results may ensue from the 
chance which causes a gun to go off and, at the same time, gives the signal 
for a battle ! 

A soldier had been wounded — the troops fired; a storm of bullets rid- 
dled the peaceful crowds on the boulevards. At first there was a cry of 
terror, then a cry of furious rage, as here and there men fell dead, and the 
street was sprinkled with blood. 

Some men then improvised a sort of theatrical background for the mas- 
sacre, with the genius that Parisians certainly possess for giving dramatic 
effect even to their most painful emotions. A cart was stopped, and the 
corpses were placed upon it ; men walking beside it carried torches which 
illumined the ghastly cargo. The procession passed on through Paris while 
a man standing on the cart lifted up and showed to the people the dead body 
of a woman whose face was horribly mutilated by bullets. This frightful 
spectacle aroused a frenzy of rage throughout the city and Paris was again 
plunged into civil war. The real battle was that of the 24th. On this occa- 
sion the king had placed Marshal Bugeaud in command of the royal forces. 
Bugeaud was the best of the African generals, but at the same time he was 
the one whose name was most dreaded by the people ; he had the reputation 
of having gained some most bloody victories over insurgents on former 

This time Paris was covered with barricades ; the fighting continued all 
the morning. Whenever the army seemed likely to yield or retreat, the 
king, who but a short time since was so full of confidence, and to whom the 
marshal had promised a brilliant victory, made some fresh concession. First 
he agreed that Thiers should form a ministry, then Odilon Barrot, as if the 
shades of difference which separated the centre of the chamber from the left- 
centre or the left-centre from the dynastic centre were of any importance in 
this mortal struggle between the people and the monarchy. 


All these flimsy negotiations were going on amidst the smoke of battle. 
Now Thiers, now Odilon Barrot was to be seen rushing from one barricade to 
another announcing the king's last concession. Ministerial episodes mingled 
with the episodes of battle, and raised their weak voice amid the thunder of 
the cannon. Then, one after another, these political personages gave up what 
was an impossible task; and, like Charles X, Louis Philippe abdicated in 
favour of a child, his grandson, the count de Paris. 

The battle at this moment was brought to an end by its most bloody 
episode : the attack on the ch&teau d'Eau opposite the Palais Royal. The 
people on one side and the municipal guard on the other showed, at this 
point, indescribable energy, and fought with the courage of desperation. 


[1848 A.D.] 

Bullets were dealing out death all around, and all the staunchest republicans 
were there, including Caussidiere, Albert, and Lagrange. By two o'clock the 
people had gained the victory. 

Louis Philippe and his family fled from the Tuileries. There was some 
difficulty in finding a cab to take him as far as St. Cloud. The crowd 
allowed this fallen king to pass, while behind him, the people for the third 
time invaded the Tuileries where they wrote, " Death to robbers ! " 

The duchess of Orleans had gone with her son to the chamber. The sight 
of a child and an unhappy woman, surrounded by sympathy, might induce the 
people in a moment of emotional excitement to agree to the maintenance of 
the monarchy. Some seemed ready to accept a regency. Lamartine felt the 
weakness and inadequacy of such a solution of the difficulty. Meantime the 
crowd was taking possession of the palace. The duchess of Orleans fol- 
lowed the old king into exile. 

The latter was going abroad like Charles X, but he had more to make him 
anxious. He was obliged to conceal himself, was often suspected, and some- 
times had not enough money to supply his needs. When at last he reached 
the little Norman port which was his destination he found a stormy sea, and 
could not for a long time get any vessel to take him across the Channel ; 
finally, having disguised himself, he secured a passage from Havre on board 
an English ship. 

On leaving the chamber the leaders of the people had gone to the Hotel- 
de-Ville. Crowds assembled from every direction, crjdng out in favour of 
ten different ministries at the same time ; contradictory lists were made, but 
in the end the government was composed of Lamartine, Dupont de I'JEure 
Arago, Ledru-Rollin, Cremieux, Marie, Garnier-Pages, the deputies of the Left 
benches to whom were added later Louis Blanc, Albert a working-man, 
Flocon, and Armand Marrast.* 


Louis Philippe, who by the force of circumstances and the influence of 
dissimulation and fraud obtained possession of the throne of France, is, of all 
recent sovereigns, the one concerning whose character the most difference of 
opinion has prevailed. By some, who were impressed with the length and 
general, success of his reign, he was regarded as a man of the greatest 
capacity ; and the " Napoleon of peace " was triumphantly referred to as 
having achieved that which the "Napoleon of war" had sought in vain to 
effect. The prudent and cautious statesman who, during a considerable 
portion of his reign, guided the affairs of England, had, it is well known, the 
highest opinion of his wisdom and judgment. By others, and especially the 
royalists, whom he had dispossessed, and the republicans, whom he had dis- 
appointed, he was regarded as a mere successful tyrant, who won a crown by 
perfidy, and maintained it by corruption, and in whom it was hard to say 
whether profound powers of dissimulation, or innate selfishness of disposi- 
tion, were most conspicuous. And in the close of all, his conduct belied the 
assertions and disappointed the expectations of both ; for, when he fell from 
the throne, he neither exhibited the vigour which was anticipated by his 
admirers, nor the selfishness which was imputed to him by his enemies. 

In truth, however, he was consistent throughout ; and when his character 
comes to be surveyed in the historic mirror, the same features are everywhere 
conspicuous. His elevation, his duration, and his fall are seen to have been all 
brought about by the same qualities. He rose to greatness, and was long 


[1848 A.D.] 

maintained in it because he was the man of the age ; but that age was neither 
an age of heroism nor of virtue, but of selfishness. 

The vicissitudes of his life had exceeded everything that romance had 
figured, or imagination could have conceived. The gallery of portraits in the 
sumptuous halls of the Palais Royal exhibited him with truth, successively 
a young prince basking in the sunshine of rank and opulence at Paris, a 
soldier combating under the tricolour flag at Valmy, a schoolmaster instruct- 
ing his humble scholars in Switzerland, a fugitive in misery in America, a 
sovereign on the throne of France. 

These extraordinary changes had made him as thoroughly acquainted with 
the ruling principles of human nature in all grades as the misfortunes of his 
own house, the recollection of his father guillotined had with the perils by 
which, in his exalted rank, he was environed. Essentially ruled by the self- 
ish, he was incapable of feeling the generous emotions ; like all egotists, he 
was ungrateful. Thankfulness finds a place only in a warm heart. He was 
long deterred from accepting the crown by the prospects of the risk with 
which it would be attended to himself, but not for one moment by the reflec- 
tion that, in taking it, he was becoming a traitor to his sovereign, a renegade 
to his order, a recreant to his benefactor. His hypocrisy, to the last moment, 
to Charles X was equalled only by his stern and hard-hearted rigour to 
his family, when he had an opportunity of making some return for their 

His government was extremely expensive ; it at once added a third to 
the expenditure of Charles X, as the Long Parliament had done to that of 
Charles I; and it was mainly based on corruption. This, however, is not 
to be imputed to him as a fault, further than as being a direct consequence 
of the way in which he obtained the throne. When the " unbought loyalty of 
men " has come to an end, government has no hold but of their selfish desires, 
and must rule by them ; and when the " cheap defence of nations " has ter- 
minated, the costly empire of force must commence. As a set-off to these 
dark stains upon his moral character, there are many bright spots on his 
political one. He stood between Europe and the plague of revolution, and, 
by the temperance of his language and the wisdom of his measures at once 
conciliated the absolute continental sovereigns, when they might have been 
expected to be hostile, and overawed the discontented in his own country 
when they were most threatening.** 


Perhaps there is no event in her history which has done more to 
lower France in the estimation of the world than the revolution of 
1848. The old monarchy had a glamour and brilliancy which gave it 
a high place in the world's affairs as they stood then, but the evils 
and the injustice which it brought about furnished some excuses for 
the first Revolution, even in the eyes of those who most bitterly con- 
demned that event. The first empire, though infinitely more disastrous 
to France than the Revolution, covered its sins in a blaze of military 
glory. The revolution of 1830 had its explanation, if not justification, 
in the inquietude and the reactionary character of Charles X and his 
surroundings. The errors and calamities of 1870-71 were condoned by 
the courage, the endurance, and the elasticity of the French people. 
But in 1843 France had enjoyed eighteen years of constitutional gov- 
ernment. It had maintained peace abroad and in good measure at 
home, and the country had advanced greatly in wealth and prosperity. 
The king was humane, liberal, and well intentioned, and it seemed as if 
gradual reform might have remedied the moderate comparative dis- 
advantages from which the country suffered. But all this was over- 
turned at a blow, the country plunged into anarchy, civil war averted 
only by fierce bloodshed in Paris, and after a few years of hesitation 
and fear the nation was handed over to despotism almost as mean and 
contemptible as that of Louis XV. — Gamaliel Bradford.* 


It was the 24th of February; the hour was half past one. The king had 
gone, and the dynasty had now no representative. The covmt de Paris was 
a child, with no immediate right to the throne. The duke de Nemours, 
invested legally with the regency, had followed the king's example and ab- 
dicated; the duchess of Orleans was not yet regent. The king, out of respect 
to legality, had not appointed her; and she had not been recognised by any 
public power. Some friends had gone with her to the chamber of deputies 
in the hope of renewing in her favour the election of 1830. To support this 
monarchy with no constitutional title, there was neither army, ministry, 



[1848 A.D.] 

nor ministers. Thiers felt himself left behind, and abandoned the struggle. 
Odilon Barrot alone, an obstinate minister with only undefined and tem- 
porary powers, had made himself minister of the interior. But such was 
the effect of the Revolution that in the midst of all the news he knew nothing; 
in the very centre of action, he was quite devoid of power. Influence, au- 
thority, power were elsewhere — in the open street, at the discretion of the 
first comer. 

Moreover, Armand Marrast, thanks to his tact and quick decision, had 
managed for some weeks both the intrigue and the intriguers. He knew, 
as a true disciple of Aristophanes, that the people love to be flattered and 
led; that they vote and applaud, but must have matters decided for them. 
In a secret councU, which was held a few days before the Revolution, Marie 
had suggested the advisability of naming a provisional government. This 
advice, when adopted, became the signal for order. Le National hastened 
to name those who should compose the government: Pupont (de I'Eure), 
Frangois Arago, Marie, Gamier-Pages, Ledru-RoUin, Odilon Barrot, and 
Marrast; a compromise list, doubtless, since Armand Marrast figured by 
the side of Ledru-Rollin and the latter with Odilon Barrot. But it was a 
list with a double tendency, favouring both the republic and the regency. 

Emmanuel Arago, who brought the corrected list to Le National, arrived 
at the Palais Bourbon and went in at the same time as the duchess of Orleans. 
This latter placed herself in the semicircle at the foot of the tribune, having 
beside her the duke de Nemours and her two sons, the count de Paris and the 
duke de Chartres. Dupin spoke, interrupted by acclamations from the 
national guard, the army, and the people who had thronged round the duchess 
as she passed from the Tuileries to the Palais Bourbon and in the palace 
itself. He demanded a formal act of procuration. Cheers burst out again, 
while on the other hand they cried, "A provisional government!" 

Lamartine demanded that the sitting be suspended " out of respect to 
the national representation and the duchess of Orleans." " It was almost 
the same thing," says Dupin, "as proposing to put the young king and his 
mother out of the hall as intruders who had no right to be present at the 
sitting. But this same sitting, because the king was present, was in reality 
a royal one." Sauzet suspended the sitting, but the duchess did not leave 
the hall. She only went to the higher seats in the amphitheatre. An outburst 
of enthusiasm in the chamber, the presence of the duchess, the concurrence 
of several resolute men might have determined for a regency. Like those of 
1830, the barricades of 1848 might have served to support a throne. The 
men of Le National felt the peril. La Rochejaquelein demanded an appeal 
to the people: "You cotuit for nothing here; you are no longer in power," 
he said to the deputies; " the chamber of deputies as a chamber no longer 
exists. I say, gentlemen, that the nation should be convoked, and then 

Here the nation mdeed interrupted by an irruption of the crowd, which 
now for the first time came pouring in, uttering cries of "Dethronement! 
Dethronement! " The cause of the regency was lost. Crowd followed crowd, 
orator followed orator. Cr^mieux, Lamartine, Ledru-Rollin contested the 
tribune with invaders from the people. "No more Bourbons! Down with 
traitors!" they cried. 

Lamartine succeeded Ledru-Rollin in the tribune. Even before he began 
to speak they cheered and applauded him, as if to win hun over forever to 
the republic. In 1842 he had defended the regency of the duchess of Orleans, 
but he dismissed this inopportune recollection. He let fall, however, a sym- 



[1848 A.S.] 

pathetic phrase about "this august princess and her innocent son." Then 
fearing, from the murmurs which arose, that he would be taken for a partisan 
of the monarchy, he hastened to demand a provisional government. He 
made no distinction between " national representation and representation by 
citizens from the people, but accepted the competency of this multitude and 
drew up the programme of a government which would first restore public 
peace and then convoke all the citizens in popular assemblies. At these 
words, and as if touched by one common impulse, new combatants invaded 
the assembly — men from the chateau d'Eau, pillagers and devastators of the 
Tuileries, who came to soil with their presence the palace of national repre- 
sentation as they had soiled the royal abode. 
The dynastic deputies slipped out. Sauzet put 
on his hat, rang his bell, and ordered silence ; not 
obtaining it, he declared the sitting closed and 
quitted the chair. It was at this juncture that the 
duchess of Orleans escaped with her 

Dupont de I'Eure, venerated Nestor 
of the republican party, consented to 
preside over this horde of excited con- 
stituents. But what human voice had 
power to dominate the tumult? Bas- 
tide thought of writing on an immense 
sheet of paper, with a finger 
dipped in ink, the five 
names of those who should 
compose the government; 
but the sheet slipped and 
fell down from the rail 
where it was hung. The 
list was passed to Lamar- 
tine: "I cannot read it," 
he said ; " my own name is 
there." They asked M. 
Cr^mieux: " I cannot read 
it," he answered; "my name 
is not there." At last, after 
many fruitless efforts, while 
repeated cries of " No more 
Bourbons! We want a re- 
public!" arose, Dupont de I'Eure succeeded in reading out the names of 
Lamartine, Ledru-Rollin, Arago, Dupont de I'Eure, and Marie, which were 
accepted unanimously. A voice cried : " The members of the provisional gov- 
ernment must shout ' Vive la RepuUique' before being named and accepted. 
But Bocage, the democratic actor, cried, " To the H6tel-de-Ville with Lamartine 
at our head!" and Lamartine, accompanied by Bocage and a large number 
of citizens, left the hall. 

While this tumultuous proclamation was being made in the chamber of 
deputies, Louis Blanc in the office of La Reforme was holding a meetmg of 
the editors of the journal and some political friends. He also was drawmg 
up a list for a provisional government. . ^ 

However, the provisional government wandered about the nation s palace 
without finding any spot where they could deliberate in peace, or where they 

Lamartine Demanding a Pbovisionai, Government 


[1848 A.S.] 

would be free from the importunate sovereignty of the people. They shut 
themselves up in a room, but petitioners hunted them out; they hid in another, 
certain delegates intervened with authority; with much trouble they foimd 
refuge in a third. Lamartine drew up the first proclamation to the French 
nation; then the members of the government disposed of the ministerial 
offices. Dupont de I'Eure, on account of his age, was exempted, but was 
given the title of president of council. Lamartine became foreign minister; 
Arago, head of the admiralty; Cr^mieux, solicitor-general; Marie, minister 
of public works; Ledru-Rollin, minister of the interior (home secretary). 
Garnier-Pages was confirmed in his office of mayor of Paris. 

Towards half past eight Louis Blanc, Marrast, and Flocon were intro- 
duced into the deliberating assembly. Louis Blanc imperiously demanded 
the inscription of his name and those of Marrast and Flocon on the list of 
members of the provisional government. He was offered the post of secre- 
tary. He refused at first; then, seeing himself abandoned by Marrast and 
Flocon, he retracted his refusal. 

Thus the government was finally completed. Every shade of republi- 
canism was represented: moderate opinions, by Dupont de I'Eure, Arago, 
and Marie; adaptability, by Garnier-Pages and Cr6mieux; socialism, by 
Louis Blanc; communism, by Albert; recollections of the convention, by 
Ledru-Rollin and Flocon; republican bourgeoisie, by Armand Marrast. 
Lamartine, who by his past, his name, and his aristocratic connections was 
looked on with the least favom* by the public, personified in himself the 
diverse characters of his colleagues. He was not exactly the adversary nor 
the ally of any of them, but was dominated by a superior impartiality. But 
this same impartiality which constituted his strength was also a soiu-ce of 
weakness. Sometimes he resisted, sometimes he yielded — less from force of 
conviction than from a spirit of tolerance, and in order to evade immediate 
embarrassment or peril. Among the members there was one whose ideas 
and sentiments were totally opposed to these — ^Louis Blanc. According to 
him the Revolution ought to call itself the repubhc, and the republic ought to 
realise high ideals. He would allow no temporising, no concession. We 
have seen him exact the inscription of his name on the government list: we 
shall see him in the council oppose himself to all, supported in his isolation 
by the intervention of the masses, and succeed in dictating measures most 
fatal to the republic. 

In short, from the first hour, such was the critical situation of the pro- 
visional government, which owed its origin to popular sovereignty, that it 
was constantly in dispute with that sovereignty. The crowd had encroached 
upon royalty; it now began to complain that the provisional government 
encroached upon its domain. First it had applauded; then it asked arro- 
gantly by what right they had seized the power. 

"By what right?" cried Lamartine, who faced the danger; "by the right 
of the blood which flows, of the fire which devours your buildmgs, of the 
nation without leaders, of the people without a guide or orders, and to- 
morrow, perhaps, without bread. By right of our most devoted and cour- 
ageous citizens. Smce I must say it, in right of those who were the first 
to yield their souls to suspicion, their blood to the scaffold, their heads to 
the vengeance of peoples or kings to save the nation." The provisional gov- 
ernment, after it had acquired power, paid for it at the price of complaint, 
opposition, and hostility from the crowd. In the narrow place where they 
deliberated their electors besieged them, kept them prisoners. None of their 
decrees reached their destination without having passed through the hands 

"THE EEPtJBLtC OF 1848 8d 

[1848 1..D.] 

of strict censors who took note of their contents and their destination. It 
was the punishment of those who all their lives had invoked the sovereignty 
of the people, to be suddenly left face to face with them, with no alternative 
save to bow before their decrees or perish under their blows.'' 


The first care which devolved upon the provisional government was to 
make head against the violence of its own supporters. During the three 
days that Paris had been in a state of insurrection, no work had been any- 
where done; and as the great bidk of the labouring classes were alike destitute 
of capital or credit, they already began to feel the pangs of hunger on the 
morning of the 25th, when the provisional government, having surmounted 
the storms of the night, was beginning to discharge its functions. An enor- 
mous crowd, amounting to above one himdred thousand persons, filled the 
place de Grive and surrounded the Hotel-de-VUle on every side, as well as 
every passage, stair, and apartment in that spacious edifice itself. So dense 
was the throng, so severe the pressure, that the members of the government 
itself cotdd scarcely breathe where they sat; and if they attempted to go out 
to address the people outside, or for any other cause, it was only by the most 
violent exertion of personal strength that their purpose could be effected. 

Decrees to satisfy the mob were drawn up every quarter of an hour, and, 
when signed, were passed over the heads of the throng into an adjoining 
apartment, where they were instantly thrown off by the printers of Le Moni- 
teur, and thence placarded in Paris, and sent by the telegraph over all France. 
Under these influences were brought forth the first acts of the provisional 
government, some of which were singularly trifling, but very descriptive of 
the pressure under which they had been drawn up. One issued on the 25th 
of February changed the placing of the coloin-s on the tricolour flag, putting 
the blue where the red had been; a second abolished the expressions Monsieur 
and Madame, substituting for them the words Citoyen and Citoyenne; a third 
liberated all functionaries from their oaths of allegiance; a fourth directed 
the words Ldberte, Sgalit6, FratemitS to be inscribed on all devices and on all 
the walls of Paris, and changed the names of the streets and squares into 
others of a revolutionary sound and meaning. This was followed on the 27th 
by others of a more alarming import, or deeper signification. One ordered 
everyone to wear a red rosette in his button-hole; another directed trees of 
liberty to be planted in all the public squares, and reopened the clubs; a 
third changed the names of the colleges of Paris, and of the titles of general 
officers; and a fourth abolished all titles of nobility, forbidding anyone to 
assume them. 

But the provisional government soon found that it was not by such decrees 
that the passions of the people were to be satiated, or their hunger appeased. 
Already, on the morniug of the 25th, before they had had time to do any- 
thing, the well-known features of popular insurrection had displayed them- 
selves. The Tuileries and the Palais Royal had been abandoned to the 
populace the evening before, as in truth, after the king had abdicated, there 
was no longer any government to withstand their excesses. These august 
palaces were sacked from top to bottom, their splendid furniture was burned 
or thrown out of the windows, the cellars were emptied of all the wines which 
they contained. The presence of the national guard and troops of the line, 
who were still under arms, prevented these excesses going further in the 
metropolis; but that only caused the storm to burst with the more fury on the 


[1848 A.D.] 

comparatively unprotected buildings in the country around it. Over a 
circle formed by a radius of thirty leagues round Paris, aU the railway sta- 
tions were sacked and burned; the bridges were in great part broken down, 
or set on fire; even the rails in many places were torn up and scattered about. 
The beautiful chateau of Neuilly near Paris, the favourite abode of the late 
king, was plundered and half-burned. VersaUles was threatened with a 
similar fate, which was only averted by the firm attitude of the national 
guard, which turned out for the protection of that palace, no longer ot kings 
but of the fine arts. But the magnificent chateau of Rothschild near bu- 

resnes was sacked and burned by 
a mob from Melim, at the very 
time when that banker was put- 
ting at the disposal of the pro- 
visional government fifty thou- 
sand francs, to assuage the 
sufferings of the woimded in the 

Imagination may figure, but 
no words can convey, an adequate 
idea of the tremendous pressure 
exercised on the provisional gov- 
ernment during the first days 
succeeding their installation. But 
of all the pressing cases, by far 
the most urgent was to pacify 
and feed the enormous multitude 
of destitute workmen whom the 
Revolution had thrown out of 
emplo3T:nent, and who crowded 
into the place de Gr^ve, threats 
ening the government with de- 
struction if they did not instantly 
give them bread and work. They 
inundated the salle du gotiveme- 
ment, and extorted from the over- 
whelmed members a decree " guar- 
anteeing employment to all, and 
bestowing on the combatants on 
the barricades the million of 
francs saved by the termination 
of the civil list." Though this decree was a vast concession to the working 
classes, and indicated not obscurely the commencement of that socialist pres- 
sure on the government which was ere long felt so severely, yet it was far 
from meeting the wishes of the angry and famishing crowd who filled the 
place de Gr^ve and all the adjoining streets.^ 

Hardly had they published the proclamation on the labour question, when 
a great uprising broke forth on the square of the H6tel-de-Ville. New 
bands sallied forth firing off their muskets and crying, "The red flag! the red 
flag!" They penetrated into the hdtel, a red banner at their head. It was 
a decisive moment. It was important to know whether the flag of the Revo- 
lution and of modem France were to disappear before a factional standard; 
if all tradition were broken, and society plunged into an tmknown abyss. 
Lamartine forced his way to the grand staircase, from the top of which, 

BuBNiNO OP A Chateau 

THE REPUBLIC OP 1848 * 91 

[1848 A.D.] 

after the most heroic efforts, he made himself heard by the crowd. He en- 
deavoured to calm this seething multitude by appealing to the sentiments 
of harmony and humanity which they had shown in the victory of the previous 
evening; he implored the people not to impose on his government a standard 
of civil war, not to force it to change the flag of the nation and the name of 
France: "The government," cried he, "will die rather than dishonour itself 
by obeying you — I will resist tuito the end this flag of blood. The red flag 
has made but the tour of the Champ de Mars, bedraggled with the blood of 
the people in '91; the tricoloured flag had made the tour of the world, with 
the name, the glory, and the liberty of the country." These men, passionate 
but easily influenced, broke forth into cheers. Lamartine had conquered 
them. They tore down their red flag. 

The high stature, the noble and handsome face of Lamartine, his fine 
gestures, his grave and sonorous voice, his serene attitude during the most 
violent demonstrations of the unruly populace, had, as much as his eloquent 
words, seized the imagination and touched the heart of his stormy audience. 
These scenes, which occurred many times, made of Lamartine, for several weeks, 
one of the most original and most majestic figures in the history of France. 
He resembled perhaps more the ancient orators than those of the Revolution./ 


But although the danger of a bloody republic was got over at the moment, 
yet it was evident to all that some lasting measures were indispensable in 
order to provide security for the government, and the employment of the 
idle and violent persons who were assembled in the streets. The municipal 
guard had been disbanded, and the whole military had been sent out of the 
city by the provisional government, in order to appease the people and avoid 
the risk of collisions, which might be highly dangerous. Thus the govern- 
ment was entirely at the mercy of the mob, and the only protection they could 
invoke consisted in two battalions formed of volunteers, who had placed their 
bayonets at the disposal of the authorities. 

They decreed the formation, accordingly, of a new urban corps called the 
garde mobile, to be composed of those who had been most determined on 
the barricades; and the plan would, it was hoped, enrol on the side of the 
government the most formidable of those who had recently been leagued 
together for its overthrow. It perfectly succeeded. High pay — double , 
that of the troops of the line — soon attracted into the ranks the most ardent 
of those who had been engaged in the late disturbances, and the garde mobile, 
which soon consisted of twenty-four battalions, and mustered fom-teen thou- 
sand bayonets, rendered essential service to the cause of order in the subse- 
quent convulsions. 

Several other measures, less creditable to the authorities but not less 
descriptive of the pressure under which they laboured, emanated at the same 
time from the busy legislative mill m the H6tel-de-Ville. Acts of accusa- 
tion were launched forth against Duchatel, Salvandy, Montebello, and all the 
members of the late ministry, March 1st; but this was a mere feigned conces- 
sion to the passions of the people; the provisional government, to its honour 
be it spoken, had no intention of proceeding seriously against them. Gra- 
tuitous tickets to the opera were largely distributed among the people; but, 
as well observed, it was poor consolation for a man who had got no dinner 
to be presented with an opera ticket. The licentious mob who had plundered 
and kept possession of the Tuileries were at length got out March 6th, but 


[1848 A.D.] 

only by a great display of military force, and on the express condition that 
they were to be taken to the H6tel-de-Ville, thanked for their patriotic con- 
duct, and presented with certificates of good behaviour. 

A fresh element of discord soon arose from the liberation of Blanqui, 
Barb^s, Bernard, Huber, and all the pohtical prisoners in Paris, whom long 
confinement had roused to perfect frenzy against authority of every kind. 
Their first measure was to reopen all the clubs, which soon resounded with 
declamations as violent as any which had ushered in the horrors of the Reign 
of Terror. A hundred of them were opened in a few days, chiefly in the worst 
parts of Paris, and every night crowded by furious mmtitudes.^ The gov- 
ernment, in compliance with their demands, authorised .the planting of trees 
of liberty, in imitation of the orgies of the first revolution. 

But the provisional government had soon more serious cares to occupy 
them. Distrust and distress, the inevitable attendants on successful revo- 
lution, ere long appeared in their most appalling form. The government, 
having guaranteed employment and sufficient wages to every citizen, soon 
found themselves embarrassed to the very last degree by the multitudes 
every day thrown upon them. Credit was at a stand; the manufactories 
and workshops were closed, and the thousands who earned their bread in 
them were thrown destitute upon the streets. So violent was the panic, so 
strong the desire to realise, that the five-per-cents fell in the beginning of 
March to forty-five! 

"Nothing," says Lord Normanby,? "surprised me more, in the wonderful 
changes of the last few days, than the utter destruction of all conventional 
value attached to articles of luxury or display. Pictures, statues, plate, 
jewels, shawls, furs, laces, all one is accustomed to consider property, became 
as useless Imnber. Ladies, anxious to realise a small sum in order to seek 
safety in flight, have in vain endeavoured to raise a pittance upon the most 
costly jewels. What signified that they were 'rich and rare,' when no one 
could or would buy them?" It was melancholy to see the most civilised cap- 
ital in the world suddenly reduced to the primitive condition of barter. 

In these circumstances it was vain to think of the ordinary channels of 
employment being reopened, and nothing remained but for the government 
to take upon themselves, in the meantime at least, the employment of the 
people. For this purpose, on the 27th and 28th of February, decrees were 
passed appointing great workshops called ateliers nationaux, where all the 
imemployed might be set to work. As the idle were the very men who had 
made the Revolution, it was indispensable to keep them in good humour, and 
for this purpose the wages given were two francs a day. This was more than 
the average rate even in prosperous periods, and it had the effect of bringing 
a host of needy and clamorous claimants, not only from Paris but all the towns 
in the neighbourhood. The mmibers in the first week were only five thousand, 
but they soon increased in a fearful progression; from the 1st to the 15th of 
April they swelled to 36,250, and at length reached the enormous nimiber of 
117,000! The daily cost of their maintenance exceeded two himdred thou- 
sand francs. This enormous expenditure was necessary, for the imiversal 
prostration of credit, hoarding of specie, and disappearance of capital ren- 
dered it impossible to get quit of workmen once enrolled in the brigades of 
the unemployed; the government were obliged to add much from the secret- 
service money to support them, in addition to the vast sums publicly applied 
to their relief; and, in truth, they were kept up as well from the desire always 
to have a huge army of dependants ready to support the revolutionary gov- 
ernment as from the necessities of their situation. 


[1B18 A.D.] 

In these huge workshops were collected a crowd of workmen, all of different 
trades; and they were all set to the same employment, which was generally 
that of removing nuisances, levelling barricades, or taking away dimghills. 
Even these humble employments were soon done: nothing remained for the 
enormous multitude to do; for as to making articles of luxury, or even con- 
venience, for the public, that was out of the question at a time when no one 
was purchasing more than the absolute necessaries of life. Thus the ateliers 
nationaux soon turned into vast pay-shops, where idle crowds hung about all 
day, receiving two francs a day for doing nothing. In the latter period of 
their existence there were not two thousand actually at work out of 110,000 
on the public rolls. There was no one concerned in the administration who 
was to blame for this state of things. It was unavoidable in the circimi- 
stances, just as was the employing of two himdred thousand starving labourers 
on the public roads in Ireland, at the same time. 

When the increasing necessities of the numerous classes whom the Revo- 
lution had deprived of bread forced the subject of their maintenance on an 
unwilling government, the cry was for the appointment of a minister pour 
V organisation de travail; and the public voice, expressed on an hundred 
banners reared aloft in the place de Gr^ve, designated Louis Blanc, whose 
socialist principles had long been known, for the high office. To avoid the 
danger, and yet escape the obloquy of openly resisting a demand so supported, 
they fell upon the device of appointing Louis Blanc president of a commission 
appointed to sit at the Luxembourg and inquire into the condition of the 
working classes and the means of relieving their distresses. They associated 
with Louis Blanc in this commission the acknowledged chiefs of all the sects 
of socialists and commimists. The ateliers nationaux, however, were not put 
under their direction. They remained under the orders of Marie, the minister 
of commerce; and in consequence of this not being generally adverted to, 
and the Luxembourg being regarded as the centre of the commimist action 
and the source of communist measures, much unjust obloquy has been brought 
upon Louis Blanc and his socialist supporters. 

Three circumstances distinguished this revolution from both of those 
which had preceded it. The first is the entire absence of all religious jeal- 
ousy or rancour by which it was distinguished. No one needs be told that 
the very reverse was the case in the first revolution. The same was the case, 
though in a lesser degree, in the revolution of 1830. Hatred of the Jesuits, 
and jealousy of the influence they were supposed to be acquiring in the gov- 
ernment and the educational establishments of the coimtry, were the chief 
causes of the overthrow of Charles X. But on this occasion, this, the most 
deadly poison that can be mixed up with the revolutionary passions, was 
entirely wanting. The old animosity of the revolutionists against the clergy 
seemed to have disappeared. The Revolution was ardently supported by the 
clergy, in the first instance at least, especially in the rural districts. The priests 
blessed the trees of liberty which were planted in the villages and squares; 
fervent prayers were offered up for the republic from the altars; the priests, 
surrounded by their flocks, marched to the polling-places for the elections 
for the assembly when they came on. This change is very remarkable, and 
suggests much matter for reflection; but it is easily explained when we rec- 
ollect that the Church had lost all its property during the first revolution, 
and ceased to be either an object of envy from its wealth, or of jealousy 
from its power. Thrown upon their flocks for support, since the miserable 
pittance of forty pounds a year allowed by the government barely suflaced 
for existence, the clergy had identified themselves with their interests and 


[1818 A.D.] 

shared their desu-es. The government of Louis Philippe had been so hostile 
to religion that they in secret rejoiced at its overthrow. 

The second circumstance which distinguished this revolution was the 
sedulous attention now paid to the demands and interests of labour. It was 
the interests of capital and the bourgeoisie which were chiefly, if not exclu- 
sively, considered in the revolution of 1830. Robespierre and Saint-Just had 
professed, and probably felt, a warm interest in the concerns of the working 
classes; but they could see no other way of serving them but by cutting off 
the heads of all above them. The lapse of thirty-three years' peace since 
1815, and the vast increase of industry which had in consequence taken 
place, had now, however, given a more practical direction to men's thoughts. 
They no longer thought that they were to be benefited by placing the heads 
of the rich under the guillotine; they adopted a plan, in appearance/ at least, 
more likely to be attended with the desired effect, and that was to put their 
own hands into their pockets. Encouraged by the conferences at the Lux- 
embourg and the socialist declamations of Louis Blanc, as well as the decrees 
of the government, which guaranteed employment and full wages to all the 
working classes, they all imited now in demanding from their employers at 
once an increase of wages and a diminution in the hours of labour! By a 
decree of the government, the hours of labour of all sorts in Paris were fixed 
at ten hours a day, though in the provinces they were left at twelve hours. 
These demands, too, were made at a time when, in consequence of the panic 
consequent on the Revolution, and the universal hoarding of the precious 
metals which had ensued, the price of every species of industrial produce, so 
far from rising, was rapidly falling, and sale of everything, except the mere 
necessaries of life, had become impossible! The consequence, as might have 
been anticipated, was that mostly all the master-manufacturers closed their 
workshops; and in the first two weeks of March, above an hundred thousand 
were out of emplojTnent in Paris alone, and thirty or forty thousand in 
Rouen, Lyons, and Bordeaux! 

A third effect which ensued from the peculiar character of this revolution, 
as the revolt of labour against capital, was the strongest aversion on the part 
of all its promoters to the principles of free trade, and a decided adherence 
to that of protection. 

But all other consequences of the Revolution fade into insignificance 
compared with the- commercial and monetary crisis which resulted from its 
success, and, in its ultimate results, was attended with the most important 
effects upon the fortunes of the republic. The panic soon spread from the 
towns to the country; the peasants, fearful of being plundered, either by 
robbery or the emission of assignats, hastened to hide their little stores of 
money; specie disappeared from the circulation. 


The time was now approaching when something definite required to be 
adopted by the provisional government in regard to the future constitution 
of the republic. With this view the government felt that it was necessary 
to convoke a national assembly; but before that could be done, the basis 
required to be fixed on which the election of its members should proceed. 
In these moments of republican fervour, there could be no doubt of the prin- 
ciple which required to be adopted. The convention of 1793 presented the 
model ready made to their hands. The precedent of that year accordingly 
was followed, with a trifling alteration, merely in form, which subsequent 


[1848 A.D.] 

experience had proved to be necessary. The number of the assembly was 
fixed at nine hundred, including the representatives of Algeria and the other 
colonies, and it was declared that the members should be distributed in exact 
proportion to the population. The whole was to form one assembly, chosen 
by universal suffrage. Every person was to be admitted to vote who had 
attained the age of twenty-one, who had resided six months in a commune, 
and had not been judicially deprived of his suffrage. Any Frenchman of 
the age of twenty-five, not judicially deprived of his rights, was declared 
eligible as a representative. The voting was to be secret, by signing Hsts; 
and no one could be elected unless he had at least two thousand votes. The 
deputies -were to receive twenty-five francs a day for their expenses during 
the sitting of the assembly. This was soon followed by another decree, 
which ordered all prisoners for civil or commercial debts to be immediately 
set at liberty. 

The provisional government, at the head of which was Lamartine, were 
at the same time labouring courageously and energetically to coerce the vio- 
lent party, and direct the Revolution into comparatively safe and pacific 
channels. The first act which evinced the objects of this section of the gov- 
ernment, and obtained the concurrence of the whole, was' a most important 
and noble one — the abolition of the punishment of death in purely political 
cases. This great victory of humanity and justice over the strongest pas- 
sions of excited and revengeful man was achieved by the provisional gov- 
ernment in the very first moments of their installation in power, and when 
surroimded by a violent mob loudly clamouring for the drapeau rouge and 
the commencement of foreign war and the reign of blood. Whatever may 
be said of the tricolour flag making the tour of the globe, there can be no 
doubt that this great and just innovation will do so. To regard internal 
enemies, provided they engage only in open and legitimate warfare, in the 
same manner as external foes, to slay them in battle, but give quarter and 
treat them as prisoners of war after the conflict is over, is the first great step 
in lessening the horrors of civil conflict. On the contrary, the full merit of 
their noble and courageous conduct will not be appreciated imless it is recol- 
lected that, without guards or protection of any sort, they were, at the very 
time they passed this decree, exposed to the hostility of a bloodthirsty fac- 
tion, loudly clamom-ing for the restoration of the guillotine, a second reign 
of terror, and a forcible propagandism to spread revolution through foreign 

Though the republic, generally speaking, was received in silent submis- 
sion in the provinces when the telegraph announced its establishment in Paris, 
yet, in those places where the democratic spirit was peculiarly strong, it was 
not inaugurated without very serious disorders. At Lyons it was proclaimed 
at eight at night, on the 25th of February, 1848, by torchlight; and before 
midnight, the incendiary torch had been applied to the religious and chari- 
table establishments of the Croix Rouge, Fourviere, and the faubourg du Paix. 

Delivered over to the rule of a tumultuous mob, the condition of Lyons 
for several months was miserable in the extreme; and though perfectly aware 
of these disorders, the government did not venture to attempt their suppres- 
sion. In the midst of this universal excitement and fever, a very serious 
run took place on the savings banks, and these establishments soon found 
that they were unable to pay the deposits in specie. 

When such elements of discord existed, not only in the state but in the 
provisional government itself, it was only a question of time when an open 
rupture was to take place between them. It was brought on, however. 


[1848 A.D.] 

somewhat sooner than had been expected, by an ordinance of Ledru-RoUin, 
published on the 14th of March, ordering the dissolution of the flank com- 
panies, or compagnies d'ilite as they were called, of the national guard, and 
the dispersion of their members, without distinction or equipment, among 
the ordinary companies of the legion. The object of this was to destroy 
the exclusive aspect and moral influence of these companies, which, being 
composed of the richer class of citizen, formed the nucleus of a body which 
naturally inclmed to conservative principles, and might impede the designs 
of the extreme revolutionary party. To "democratise," as it was called, 
the whole body, the decree ordered these companies to be dispersed among 
the others, and the whole to vote together for the election of the oflacers, 
which was to take place in a few days.« 

On the 16th of March, these 61ite companies of the old national guard 
made a demonstration in a body twenty-five thousand strong at the Hotel- 
de-Ville in order to test the strength of the forces at the disposal of the peo- 
ple. In revenge, on the following day, the workmen's corporations, the 
delegates to the Luxembourg, and the national workshops, excited by leaders 
who wished to drive them to extremes, organised a coimter-demonstration 
in favour of the proletariat. The provisional government, whose members 
clung together in spite of internal rivalries, was obliged every day to deliver 
speeches and proclamations which gave Lamartine an ever-increasing but 
ephemeral popularity. In order not to leave the capital imdefended in the 
hands of the factionists, the provisional government ordered back to Paris 
some battalions of the army which had left hmniliated on the 23rd of Feb- 

After a new socialistic demonstration which repulsed the national guard 
and a feast of fraternity on the 21st of April which reconciled no one, the 
electoral colleges met on Sunday, the 23rd of April. The elections were 
held, for the first time, by universal suffrage. This meant passing from 
222,000 electors to 9,000,000 — a sudden upheaval of political life which had 
not been expected and which would inevitably cause disaster. 

The election of Lamartine in ten departments characterised this moment 
of the Revolution. The 4th of May the constituent assembly met and sol- 
emnly proclaimed the republic; and, despite the remembrance of the feeble- 
ness of the Directory, it imprudently placed the agreement in the hands of 
an executive commission composed of five members: Arago, Gamier-Pag^s, 
Marie, Lamartine, and Ledru-Rollin. 

It seemed that nothing was left but to frame a constitution. Unfortu- 
nately, every day the Revolution was interpreted in a different way. Some 
held that it was exclusively political and tried to restrict it to a few modifica- 
tions in the form of government, while others wanted it to be social and aimed 
at transforming society. Many even spoke of returning to the monarchy, 
and some dreamed of entirely demolishing all public authority. 

They began by an attack on the national assembly. The 15th of May, 
under the pretext of carrying to the deputies a petition in favour of Poland, 
a movement was made against the chamber.'' 


The petitioners assembled at the place de la BastUle, and began their 
march about 11 o'clock. Their attitude was not hostile; but, on the boule- 
vard du Temple, Blanqui and his club awaited their coming, quickly placed 
themselves at the head of the column, and moved forward with the greatest 



rapidity. The assembly came forth on the place de la Madeleine much earlier 
than they were expected. The national guard, weary of being summoned 
so often in vain, had not responded in a large number to the call upon them; 
in spite of this they would have been able to avert the danger had they con- 
centrated. Instead of taking this necessary measure at once, General Cour- 
tais had the imfortunate idea of overtaking this mass of people — he imagined 
he could stop them by kind words. In the first lines were the most violent 
characters; amongst them were some armed men. These paid no attention 
to Courtais, but passed on; the rest followed. The crowd bordered the place 
de la Concorde and advanced toward the bridge. In a short time it hurled 
itself against the gratings of the assembly. 

Lamartine and Ledru-RoUin attempted to harangue the multitude from 
the top of the stairs where the assembly, some days before, had come to mix 
its republican acclamations with those of the people of Paris. The eloquence 
of the poet and of the tribune did not have the same ascendency at this 
moment as at the H6tel-de-Ville. The multitude continued to shake the 
gratings and cry, "Down with the bayonets!" Courtais gave the command 
to a thousand of the national guard and the garde mobile to sheathe their 
bayonets; then he had a grating opened to admit twenty delegates: a much 
larger number followed Blanqui. The crowd went round the palace to the 
place de Bourgogne; there they joined the club de Barb^s, not to invade 
but to observe. When they were sure that Blanqui had entered they wished 
also to enter; there took place, on the place de Bourgogne, a melee, a terrible 
stampede. The gratings on that side were forced: the multitude poured 
into the assembly room; others entered directly by forcing the doors. At 
the moment of the invasion the assembly were discussing Poland and Italy. 

In the midst of the tumult which followed, Louis Blanc, with the permis- 
sion of the president, began to speak; he demanded silence in order that the 
petition in favour of Poland might be read, and the right of petition sanc- 
tioned. In spite of the protestations of a number of representatives, Raspail, 
who was not a member of the assembly, mounted the tribxme and read the 
petition. The president, Buchez, asked the crowd to leave and allow the 
assembly to deliberate. Barbes, seeing Blanqui at the foot of the tribune, 
hastened to make the first move, and pressed the assembly to carry out the 
wishes of the people for Poland. "Citizens," cried he, "you have done well 
to come and exercise your right to petition, and the duty of the assembly 
is to execute what you demand, which is the wish of France; but in order 
that she should not appear violent it is necessary that you retire." 

Cries of "No! No!" were heard, and Blanqui on the other hand demanded 
of the assembly a decree that France should not put her sword in the scab- 
bard until Poland had attained her independence. He added that the people 
came also to demand justice for the massacres of Rouen and claim from the 
assembly that it should see that they had work and bread. Contradictory 
cries broke forth: "Poland! we are interested only m Poland!" and "The 
minister of work, immediately!" 

The struggle was, in fact, between those Who wished to continue the in- 
vasion of the assembly and those who wished it to cease. Raspail, who 
found himself carried there without intending it, joined Ledru-RoUin and 
Barbes in trying to clear the assembly room; Huber himself, the promoter 
of the manifestation, tried to induce the people to retire before the assembly, 
whose representatives had held their posts with dignity in the midst of 
this chaos. The party of Blanqui resisted, the struggle became intense in this 
close atmosphere — when, from outside, was heard the sound of drums. 
H. yr.—you xui. b 


[1848 A.D.) 

Gamier-PagSs had sent, in the name of the executive commission, the 
order to beat to arms all the legions. At the news of what had happened 
the national guard gathered in great throngs. The crowd, on the contrary, 
around the Palais Bourbon, on the bridge, at the place de la Concorde, began 
to thin. All those who had come with no evil intentions became disquieted, 
grieved; and one by one they went away. In the interior of the hall, among 
the invaders, many were exhausted, some even fainted. Barb^s' head was 
turned. He, who had no intention but to defend the assembly against 
Blanqui, declared that it was necessary that they should vote, at that sitting, 
the sending of an army to Poland, a tax of a thousand millions on the rich, 
and that they should forbid the call to arms; if not, the representatives 
would be declared traitors to the country! He and those aroimd him were 
delirious. The clamours redoubled at the same time for Poland and for the 
organisation of work. "We wish Louis Blanc," cried someone, and Louis 
Blanc was' brought forward, agauast his will, in triumph; harassed, ahnost 
fainting, he protested in vain and felt that he was lost. The fury increased 
in a measm-e at the sound of the drmns. Armed men with sinister faces 
surrounded and threatened the president Buchez, who had remained im- 
movable on his seat, and the vice-president Corbon, who had come to join 
Buchez at his perilous post. The president was called on to give the order 
to stop the call to arms. He resisted. The commands became frantic. An 
officer of the national guard came to the president to tell him that the legions 
would be ready to act within a quarter of an hour. 

The order to the mayors to cease the call to arms could no longer have 
any result. The refusal to give this order would inevitably have led to a 
catastrophe. Men of imquestioned courage amongst the representatives 
counselled the president to gain a quarter of an hour at any price and to accede 
to the wishes of the people. He signed the orders. This- action without 
doubt prevented violent acts, but did not quiet the tumult, as the invaders 
seemed to be possessed by an imcontrollable fury. Amidst the stamping 
and howling of the crowd, Huber suddenly moimted the tribune and declared 
the national assembly dissolved. A group of the most frantic hurled them- 
selves on the desk and threw the president from his seat. The president and the 
vice-president at last went forth accompanied by most of the representatives. 

The invaders, remaining masters of the hall, commenced to argue on 
the candidates for a new provisional government, when the dnmas began 
echoing in the interior of the palace. "The garde mobile!" they cried; a 
panic seized the invaders and they fled in disorder from the hall, crying, 
"To the H6tel-de-Ville!" This political orgy had lasted nearly fom: hours. 
A little after four o'clock, the garde mobile and the national guard entered 
and finished clearing the hall./ 

The assembly came back and reopened the sitting. Lamartine and Ledru- 
Rollin, at the head of the representatives and of the national guard, marched 
to the H6tel-de-Ville, where Marrast, the mayor of Paris, had seized a new 
provisional government which had attempted to install itself there; the 
agitators were sent to Vincennes. This riot, a sad and senseless parody of 
the too famous days of the first revolution, had the result of putting the 
assembly in a position of defiance against the Parisian populace. It was 
decided to dissolve the national workshops, which formed an army of one 
hundred thousand labourers having arms, officers, and discipHne. This news 
excited the anger of the agitators who were still free, and the despair of the 
workmen who had been misled by dangerous Utopian ideas.^ 

In June there were several new elections, and Paris returned Proudhon 


[1848 A.D.] 

and other socialist leaders. The general result of these elections, however, 
was not favourable to that party; while Count Mol6, Thiers, and several other 
statesmen of the monarchy recovered seats in the assembly, and at the same 
time Prince Louis Napoleon was elected by no less than four departments. 
He had been supported not only by Bonapartists but by red republicans, 
and even by communists to whom his speculative writings had commended 
him. Many parties confronted one another in the assembly; but the ultra- 
democrats formed an insignificant minority. Growing more desperate as 
political power eluded their grasp, they were plotting another insurrection, 
when the assembly determined to disperse the idle and dangerous workmen 
in the national workshops, who had now risen to one hundred and twenty 
thousand. This moment of discontent was promptly seized upon. The 
clubs and the red republican leaders appealed to the workmen, to the revo- 
lutionary proletairists and to the forgats, and Paris flew to arms.* 


Every symptom indicated the approaching movement. It broke out on 
the 22nd of June at ten at night. The government, warned of the rioting 
and clamour which attended the first steps that had been taken for dis- 
tributing a portion of the workmen through the departments, assembled at 
the Luxembourg. In the course of the evening numerous mobs had several 
times assailed the palace with furious shouts of "A has Marie!" "A bas 
Lamartine! " The government had appointed General Cavaignac commander- 
in-chief of the troops of the national guard, with the view of concentrating 
the whole plan and the unity of its execution in a single individual. 

The night was tranquil; it was spent in arrangements for the attack and 
defence. Neither the socialists nor the anti-republican party joined in the 
insurrection. Everything indicated that this undecided, feeble movement, 
incoherent in its principle, had been organised and planned in the heart of 
the national workshops themselves. It was a plebeian and not a popular 
movement, a conspiracy of subalterns and not of chiefs, an outbreak of 
servile and not of civil war. 

At seven o'clock on the 23rd of June, the government received informa- 
tion that mobs, forming altogether an assemblage of from eight to ten thou- 
sand men, had collected on the place du Pantheon to attack the Luxem- 
bourg. The occupants of the national workshops poured down from the 
barriers, and the populace, excited by some of their armed leaders, threw up 
barricades. Their leaders were, for the most part, the men who acted as 
brigadiers of the national workshops, and who were agents of the seditious 
clubs. They were irritated by the proposed disbandment of their corps, 
whose wages passed through their hands, and some of them, it was alleged, 
did not scruple to divert the money from its destined object, for the purpose 
of paying sedition. From the barriers of Charenton, Bercy, Fontainebleau, 
and M^nilmontant, to the very heart of Paris, the capital was almost totally 
defenceless, and in the power of a few thousand men. 

General Cavaignac resolved to concentrate his troops (as had l^en de- 
termined beforehand) in the garden of the Tuileries, in the Champs Elys6es, 
on the place de la Concorde, on the esplanade des Invalides, and round the 
palace of the representatives. Meanwhile, the conflict had commenced on 
the boulevards. Two detachments of volunteers of the 1st and 2nd legions 
attacked two barricades erected on that point. Most of these brave volun- 
teers perished heroically under the first fire of the insurgents. 


[1848 A.D.] 

Duvivier commanded the central part of Paris at the H6tel-de-Ville. 
Dimiesne and Lamoriciere, who seemed, as it were, to multiply themselves, 
performed prodigies of resolution and activity with the mere handful of^men 
at then- disposal. By four o'clock in the afternoon Dumesne had cleared and 
made -himself master of the left bank of the Seine, and had overawed the 
whole mass of insurrectionary population in the quarter of the Pantheon. 

Lamoriciere, invincible, though hemmed in by two hundred thousand of 
the msurgents, occupied the space extending from the rue du Temple to the 
Madeleine, and from CUchy to the Louvre. He was incessantly gallopmg 
from one point to another, and always exposing himself to receive the first 
shot that might be fired. He had two horses killed imder him. 

A summer storm was at that moment breaking over Paris. General 
Cavaignac, surrounded by his staff, with Lamartine, Duclerc, and Pierre 
Bonaparte (son of Lucien), and followed by about two thousand men, ad- 
vanced amidst flashes of lightning and peals of thimder, mingled with the 
applauding shouts of the well-disposed citizens, as far as the chateau d'Eau. 
After repeated assaults, kept up for the space of three quarters of an hour, 
and amidst an incessant shower of balls and bullets, decimating both ofiicers 
and men, the barricades were carried. Lamartine felt as though he could 
have wished for death to release him from the odious responsibility of blood- 
shed which pressed upon hun so unjustly, but yet so unavoidably. Four 
hundred brave men lay killed or wounded in different parts of the faubourg. 
Lamartine returned to the chateau d'Eau to rejoin General Cavaignac. 

Accompanied only by Duclerc, and a national guard named Lassaut, who 
had been his companion the whole of the day, Lamartine passed the line of 
the advanced posts, to reconnoitre the disposition of the people on the boule- 
vard of the Bastille. The immense crowd, which fell back to make way for 
him as he proceeded, stiU continued to shout his name, with enthusiasm 
and even amidst tears. He conversed long with the people, pacing slowly 
and pressing his way through the crowd by the breast of his horse. This 
confidence amidst the insurgent masses preserved him from any manifesta- 
tion of popular violence. The men, who by their pale coimtenances, their 
excited tone, and even their tears bore evidence of deep emotion, told him 
their complaints against the national assembly, and expressed their regret 
at seeing the revolution stained with blood. They declared their readiness 
to obey him (Lamartine), whom they had known as their coimseUor and 
friend, and not as their flatterer, amidst the misery they had suffered and 
the destitution of their wives and children. "We are not bad citizens, 
Lamartine," they exclaimed; "we are not assassins; we are not factious 
agitators! We are unfortimate men, honest workmen, and we only want the 
government to help us in our misery and to provide us with work! Govern 
us yourself! Save us! Command us! We love you! We know you! We 
will prevail on our companions to lay down their arms!" 

Lamartine, without having been either attacked or insulted, returned 
to rejoin General Cavaignac on the boulevard. At midnight the regunents 
nearest to the capital and the national guards of the adjacent towns entered 
Paris in a mass, marching through all the barriers. Victory might still be 
tardy, yet it was now certain.' 

On the morning of the 24th matters looked very serious, and the assembly, 
which had endeavoured to ignore the danger, was forced to recognise and 

Me republic 6^ 1848 lOl 

[1848 A.D.] 

take measures to avert it. The inefficiency of the executive commission 
and the distrust they had inspired in the national guard having become 
painfully conspicuous, a motion was made, at noon on the 24th, to confer 
absolute power on a dictator; and General Cavaignac was suggested and 
approved almost unanimously. The executive commission, finding them- 
selves thus superseded, resigned their appointments, and absolute uncon- 
trolled authority was vested in the dictator. 

The effects of this great change were soon apparent. Immense was the 
difference between the hesitation and disunited action of five civilians in 
presence of danger, and the decided conduct of one single experienced mili- 
tary chief. The first object was to repel the enemy from the vicinity of the 
H6tel-de-Ville. The task was no easy one, for the streets aroimd it swarmed 
with armed men; every window was filled with tirailleurs, and from the 
summit of barricades, which were erected across the narrow thoroughfares 
at every hundred yards, streamed a well-directed and deadly fire of musketry. 
At length, however, after a dreadful struggle, the nearest streets were carried, 
and the H6tel-de-Ville was put for the time in a state of comparative safety. 

The attack was next carried into the adjoining quarters of the Eglise St. 
Gervais and the rue St. Antoine, while General Lamorici^re pushed on towards 
the faubourg St. Denis, and then, wheeling to his left, commenced an assault 
on the faubourg Poissonniere. The insurgents defended each barricade as it 
was attacked, as long as possible, and when it was about to be forced they 
quickly retired to the next one in rear, generally not more than one or two 
hundred yards distant, which was stubbornly held in like manner; while upon 
the column which advanced in pursuit a heavy and mm-derous fire was di- 
rected from the windows of the adjoining houses. 

It was not surprising that the progress even of the vast and hourly- 
increasing military force at the disposal of the dictator had been so slow; 
for the task before them was immense, and to appearance insurmountable 
by any human strength. The number of barricades had risen to the enor- 
mous and almost incredible figure of 3,888, nearly all of which were stoutly 
defended. The great strongholds of the insiu-gents were in the clos St. 
Lazare and the faubourg St. Antoine, each of which was defended by gigantic 
barricades, constructed of stones having all the solidity of regular fortifica- 
tions, and held by the most determined and fanatical bands. 

The night of the 24th was terrible; the opposing troops, worn out with 
fatigue and parched with thirst, sank down to rest within a few yards of 
each other on the summit of the barricades, or at their feet, and no soimd was 
heard in the dark but the cry of the sentinels. Early on the morning of the 
25th the conflict was renewed at all points, and ere long a frightful tragedy 
signalised the determination and ferocity of the insiu-gents. General Br6a 
humanely went with a flag of truce to the headquarters of the insm-gents. 
He was overwhelmed with insults, shot down, and left for dead on the ground; 
his aide-de-camp, Captain Mauguin, was at the same time put to death, and 
his remains mutilated to such a degree that the human form could hardly 
be distinguished. After waiting an hour for the return of his general. Colonel 
Thomas, the second in command, having learned his fate, and announced it 
to his soldiers, made preparations for an assault. Infuriated by the treach- 
erous massacre of their general, the men rushed on, and carried at the point 
of the bayonet seven successive barricades. AU then defenders were put to 
the sword, to avenge their infamous treachery. 

But ere the attack commenced, a sublime instance of Christian heroism 
and devotion occurred, which shines forth like a heavenly glory in the midst 


[1848 A.S.] 

of these terrible seasons of carnage. Monseigneur Affre, archbishop of Paris, 
horror-struck with the slaughter which for three days had been going on 
without intermission, resolved to effect a reconciliation between the con- 
tending parties, or perish in the attempt. Having obtained leave from 
General Cavaignac to repair to the headquarters of the insurgents, he set 
out, dressed in his pontifical robes, having the cross in his hand, accom- 
panied by two vicars, also in full canonicals, and three intrepid members of 
the assembly. Deeply affected by this courageous act, which they well 
knew was almost certain death, the people, as he walked through the streets, 
fell on their knees and besought him to desist, but he persisted, saymg, "It 
is my duty. Bonus pastor dat vitam suam jrro ambus suis.'[ At seven in the 
evening he arrived in the place de la Bastille, where the firing was extremely 
warm on both sides. 

Undismayed by the storm of balls, the prelate advanced slowly, attended 
by his vicars, to the summit of the barricade. He had descended three steps 
on the other side when he was pierced through the loins by a shot from a 
window. The insurgents, horror-struck, approached him when he fell, 
stanched the wound, which at once was seen to be mortal, and carried him 
to the neighbouring hospital of Quatre-Vingts. When told he had only a 
few minutes to live, he said, " God be praised, and may he accept my life 
as an expiation for my omissions during my episcopacy, and as an offering 
for the salvation of this misguided people"; and with these words he ex- 

Immediately after his decease, proposals came for a capitulation from 
the insurgents, on condition of an absolute and imqualified amnesty. Gen- 
eral Cavaignac, however, would listen to nothing but an unconditional sur- 
render. All attacks proved successful, and at last the enemy capitulated. 
With this the terrible insurrection came to an end. The losses on either side 
in this memorable conflict were never accurately known; for the insurgents 
could not estimate theirs, and the government took care not to publish then- 
own. But on both sides it was immense, as might have been expected, when 
forty or fifty thousand on a side fought with the utmost courage and desper- 
ation for four days in the streets of a crowded capital, with nearly four thou- 
sand barricades erected and requiring to be stormed. General N^grier was 
killed, and Generals Duvivier, Dumesne, Koste, Lafontaine, and Foncher 
were wounded mortally — General Bedeau more slightly. Ten thousand 
bodies were recognised and buried, and nearly as many, especially on the 
side of the insurgents, thrown unclaimed into the Seine. At the close of the 
contest nearly fifteen thousand prisoners were in the hands of the victors, 
and crowded, almost to suffocation, all places of confinement in Paris. Three 
thousand of them died of jail fever; but the immense multitude which 
remained created one of the greatest difficulties with which for long the 
government had to contend. 

The concourse of troops and national guards who flocked together from 
all quarters, on the 27th and 28th, enabled the dictator to maintain his 
authority, and restore order, by the stern discipline of the sword. The as- 
sembly divided the prisoners into two classes: for the first, who were the 
most guilty, deportation to Cayenne, or one of the other colonies, was at 
once adjudged; the second were condemned to transportation, which with 
them meant detention in the hulks, or in some maritime fortresses of the 
republic. But all means of detention ere long proved inadequate for so 
prodigious a multitude, and many were soon liberated by the government 
from absolute inability to keep them longer. This terrible strife cost France 


[1848 A.D.] 

more lives than any of the battles of the empu'e; the number of generals 
who perished in it, or from the wounds they had received, exceeded even 
those cut off at Borodino or Waterloo. 


The victory once decidedly gained, Cavaignac lost no time in abdicating 
the dictatorial powers conferred upon him during the strife. But the assem- 
bly were too well aware of the narrow escape which they had made, to enter- 
tain the thought of resuming the powers of sovereignty. If they had been 
so inclined, the accounts from the provinces would have been sufficient to 
deter them, for the insurrection in Paris was contemporary with a bloody 
revolt at Marseilles, occasioned by the same attempt to get quit of the bur- 
densome pensioners at the ateliers nationaux, which was only put down 
after three days' hard fighting by a concentration of troops from aU the 
adjoining departments. 

At Rouen and Bordeaux the agitation was so violent that it was evident 
nothing but the presence of a large military force prevented a rebellion from 
breaking out. Taught by these events, the national assembly unanimously 
continued to General Cavaignac the powers already conferred upon him, and 
prolonged the state of siege in the metropolis. The powers of the dictator 
were to last till a permanent president was elected either by the assembly or 
the direct voice of the citizens; and in the meantime General Cavaignac 
proceeded to appoint his ministers, who immediately entered upon their 
several duties. 

The first care of the new government was to remodel the armed force of 
the metropolis, and extinguish those elements of insurrection which had 
brought such desolation, bloodshed, and ruin upon the country. The ateliers 
nationaux were immediately dissolved: this had now become, comparatively 
speaking, an easy task; for the most formidable part of their number, and 
nearly all who had actually appeared with arms in their hands, had either 
been slain or were in the prisons of the repubhc. Those legions of the national 
guard which had either hung back or openly joined the insurgents, on occasion 
of the late revolt, were aU dissolved and disarmed. Already, on Jime 25th, 
when the insurrection was at its height, a decree was issued, which suspended 
nearly all the journals of a violent character on either side, and even fimile 
de Girardin, an able writer and journalist of moderate character, was ar- 
rested and thrown into prison. These measures, how rigorous soever, were 
all ratified by a decree of the assembly on the 1st of August, and passed 
unanunously. "The friends of liberty," says the contemporary annalist, 
"observed with grief that the republic had in a single day struck with im- 
punity a severer blow at the liberty of the press than the preceding govern- 
ments had done during thirty years." At the same time the clubs, those 
great fountains of treason and disorder, were closed. Thus was another 
proof added to the innumerable ones which history had previously afforded, 
that popular licentiousness and insxu-rection, from whatever cause originating, 
must ever end in the despotism of the sword. 


The duty of framing a constitution had been intrusted, in the beginnmg 
of June, to a committee composed of the most enlightened members. The 
discussion commenced on the 2nd of July, and was only concluded by the 


[IMS A.D.] 

formal adoption of the constitution, as then modified, on the 23rd of October. 
On the important question whether the legislature should be in one or two 
chambers, the debate was conducted by two distinguished men, Lamartme 
and Odilon Barrot. , j • /• 

The assembly, as might have been anticipated, decided m favour of one 
chamber by a majority of 530 to 289. The "sovereign power" of legislation 
accordmgly was vested in a single assembly, and Lamartine, who was not 
without a secret hope of becoming its ruler, was triumphant. But the all- 
important question remained— by whom was the president of the chamber to 
be appointed, and what were to be his powers as the avowed chief magis- 
trate of the republic? Opinions were much divided on this point, some ad- 
hering to an election by the assembly, others to a direct appeal to the people. 
Contrary to expectation, M. de Lamartme supported the nomination by 
the entire population of France. 

He could not be convinced of the fatal blow which his popidarity had 
received from his coalition with Ledru-RoUin. He still thought he was lord 
of the ascendant, and would be the people's choice if the nomination was 
vested in their hands. By extending the suffrage to all France, the revolu- 
tionists had dug the grave of their own power. The result, accordingly, 
decisively demo^istrated the strength of this feeling even in the first assembly 
elected under tiniversal suffrage, and how well founded were the mournful 
prognostications of Lamartine as to the approaching extinction of liberty 
by the very completeness of the triumph of its supporters.^ 

The formation of the constitution having been at length concluded, it 
was finally adopted, on the 4th of November, by a majority of 737 to thirty 
votes. Ainong the dissentients were Pierre Leroux and Proudhon, extreme 
commimists, and Berryer and La Rochejaquelein, royalists. Victor Hugo 
and Montalembert were also in the minority, though no two men could be 
foimd whose opinions on general subjects were more opposite. On the even- 
ing of the day on which it was adopted by the assembly, the intelligence was 
communicated to the Parisians by 101 guns discharged from the Invalides. 
The sound at first excited the utmost alarm, as it was feared the civil war 
was renewed; and when it was known that it was only the annoimcement 
of a constitution, the panic subsided, and the people, careless and indifferent, 
dispersed to their homes. 

By the constitution thus adopted, the form of government in France was 
declared to be republican, the electors being chosen by universal suffrage, 
and the president in the same way. The right of the working classes to 
employment was negatived, it being declared, however, that the government, 
so far as its resources went, was to furnish labour to the unemiuoyed. The 
punishment of death was abohshed in pm-ely political offences. Slavery was 
to be abolished in every part of the French dominions. The right of associa- 
tion and public meeting was guaranteed; voting, whether for the representa- 
tives or the president, was to be by ballot; the representatives once chosen 
might be re-elected any number of times. The president required to be a 
French citizen, of at least thirty years of age, and one who had not lost on 
any occasion his right of citizenship. He was to be elected for four years, 

[' An expression of the philosopher Jean Reynaud during " the Days of June " characterised 
the situation with poignant truth : " We are lost if we are conquered ; lost if we conquer." It 
was too true : the Republic was stabbed to the heart. Victorious, the body politic drifted, in a 
few months, to a monarchic caesarism by the path of reaction ; vanquished, it had drifted, in a 
few days, to a demagogic caesarism by the path of anarchy. Like the Janus of fable, Bona- 
partism was ready to present the one or the other of its two faces to France doomed to be its 
prey. — Mabtin/ ] 


[1848 A.D.] 

and a simple majority was to determine the election. The president was 
re-eligible after havmg served the first four years; he was to reside in the 
palace of the assembly, and receive a salary of six hundred thousand francs 
a year. All the ministers of state were to be appouited by the president, 
who also was to command the armed force, declare peace and war, conducfc 
negotiations with foreign powers, and generally exercise all the powers of 
sovereignty, with the exception of appointing the judges of the supreme 
courts m Paris, who were to be named by the assembly, and to hold their 
offices for life. 

Disguised under the form of a republic, this constitution was in reality 
monarchical, for the president was invested with all the substantial power 
of sovereignty; and as he was capable of being re-elected, his tenure of office 
might be prolonged for an indefinite period. Though there were several can- 
didates for the high office, yet it was soon apparent that the suffrage would 
really come to be divided between two — General Cavaignac and Prince Louis 


The door had already been opened to the latter by an election which took 
place at Paris on the 17th of September, when the young prince was again 
elected by a large majority. Four other departments in the country had 
already elected him. On this occasion he no longer hesitated, but accepted 
his election for the department of the Seine. He took his seat on the 26th 
of September, and made the following speech on the occasion, which was very 
favourably received by the assembly: 

Citizen Represkntativeb : 

After three-and-thirty years of proscription and exile, I at length find myself among you, I 
again regain my country and my rights as one of its citizens. It is to the republic that I owe 
that happiness : let the republic then receive my oath of gratitude, of devotion ; and let my 
generous fellow-citizens, to whom I am indebted for my seat in its legislature, feel assured that 
1 will strive to justify their suffrages, by labouring with you for the maintenance of tranquillity, 
the first necessity of the country, and for the development of the democratic institutions which 
the country is entitled to reclaim. My conduct, ever guided by a sense of duty and respect for 
the laws, will prove, in opposition to the passions by which I have been maUgned and still am 
blackened, that none is more anxious than I am to devote myself to the defence of order and the 
consolidation of the republic' 


Both Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and General Cavaignac had ex- 
ceptional advantages: the first, that of a great name; the second, that of 
the immense resources with which executive power is necessarily invested. 
But in addition to the advantage of his name, Prince Louis Napoleon Bona- 
parte belonged to no party whatsoever. Isolated between the army of social- 
ism and the "party of order," he offered in his very person a sort of com- 
promise. His attitude, his remoteness from the stormy debates of the cham- 
ber rendered his conduct conformable with his situation. In his seclusion 
at AuteuU, he had held conferences with men of aU parties. All could place 
some of their hopes on him, without his binding himself to any single one. 
He belonged at the same time to the democracy, on account of the worship 
of the proletariat for the name of Napoleon; to socialism, by a few of his pam- 
phlets; and to the party of order by the religious and military tendencies 
of his policy: and this is what no one in those times of blindness perceived. 

A serious incident of far-reaching consequences dealt a terrible blow to 
the candidateship of General Cavaignac — the sitting of the national assem- 


[1848 A.D.] 

bly of November 25th, 1848. As the terror of the .Time Days faded away, 
the exammation of facts had, Uttle by Httle, convinced many that General 
Cavaignac, during those terrible days, had disdained the means of quellmg 
the insurrection in its infancy; that he had served as an instrument for the 
seditious mutinies against the executive commission; that, in consequence 
of his calculated nervelessness and inaction, the insurrection had assumed 
formidable proportions, and the general had been obliged to shed the blood 
of France in torrents. As he had greatly benefited by this same bloodshed, 

and owed his inconceivable elevation 
to it, public feeling traced in this en- 
semble the manoeuvres of criminal 
ambition. These rumours soon ac- 
quired such consistency that General 
Cavaignac thought he ought to give 
an explanation in the tribune of the 
national assembly. The debate took 
place at the sitting of November 25th. 
When General Cavaignac had chal- 
lenged his adversaries to declare if he 
had in any way betrayed his trust, 
Barth^lemy Saint-HUaire ascended 
the tribune and asked permission of 
the assembly to read an unpublished 
page of history. This statement em- 
braced an accumulation of the most 
damaging evidence against the vacil- 
lations of General Cavaignac and 
against the faction which had striven 
for the overthrow of the executive 

General Cavaignac defended him- 
self with the skill of a barrister. The 
danger of his position sharpened his 
wits. In spite of the affirmations of 
Garnier-PagSs and Ledru-Rollin, Gen- 
eral Cavaignac came through this dan- 
gerous debate with the appearance 
of having triumphed. An alleged 
order of the day, presented by Du- 
pont (de I'Eure), was adopted by a 
. Napoleon III Very large majority. The order of 

the day was expressed thus: "The 
national assembly, persevering in the decree of Jime 28th, 1848 — thus worded, 
' General Cavaignac, chief of the executive power, deserves well of his coun- 
try' — passes on to the usual business of the day." 

" The country will judge," many voices exclaimed when General Ca- 
vaignac ended the discussion by vaunting his devotion to the republic; and 
indeed the country was not slow in formulating its judgment. 

In the election of December 10th, 1,448,302 votes were returned for 
General Cavaignac, whilst Louis Napoleon Bonaparte obtained 5,534,520; 
Ledru-Rollin had 371,434 suffrages, Raspail 36,964, and Lamartine, who had 
once been simultaneously elected by ten departments, received a dole of 
17,914 votes. 


(1848 A.D.] 

_ The election of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte greatly surprised many zealous 
minds; and seriously disturoed the dreamers. Like carrion crows wheeling 
round to seek their route and filling the air with their cries, they were seen 
raising their heads and scenting the wind, seeking the meaning of an event 
they could not comprehend. Louis Napoleon Bonaparte appeared upon the 
scene like Fortinbras at the end of Hamlet. Brutal in fact, his election cut 
the knot of a thousand intrigues. The people, by their vote, had expressed 
the idea_ of a great popular dictatorship which put an end to the quarrels 
of the citizens, to the subtlety of Utopians, to party rancour, and guarded 
them against the endlessly recurring crises engendered by the parliameni;ary 
regime amongst nations with whom sentiment dominates reason, action and 
discussion. The poll also expressed an ardent desire for ttnity. The pro- 
letariat knows well that what takes place in the republic of barristers and 
landlords concerns it but little. It was by analogous reasons that Csesar 
triumphed in Rome. Having nothing to gain from party strugg]^s, knowing 
by experience that for them the only result is lack of work, imprisonment, 
exile, or death, the people always aspire to rise above them. Louis Bona- 
parte, in his electoral address, was careful to give expression to this thought: 
"Let us be men of the country," he said, "not men of a party!" 

Louis Napoleon Bonaparte was proclaimed president of the republic on 
December 20th at four o'clock, by the president of the national assembly. 
We know the political oath had been abolished by the February revolution, 
which thus seemed to confess its absence of belief. But by a miserable dem- 
ocratic equivocation, the oath was still taken by one man, by the president 
of the republic. The contract was not a mutual one. Each one reserved 
to himself implicitly the right of violating the constitution, and we shall see 
that the national assembly did not fail to do so; but each one desired at the 
same time that the president of the republic should be bound thereby as with 
a strait-jacket. The least fault of this vain ceremonial was its lack of com- 
mon sense, the constitution being fatally and necessarily violated./ 

viCTOE Hugo's portrait of "napoleon the little " 

It was about four in the afternoon of December 20th, 1848; it was grow- 
ing dark, and the immense hall of the assembly having become involved in 
gloom the chandeliers were lowered from the ceiling, and the messenger 
placed the lamps on the tribime. The president made a sign, the door on 
the right opened, and there was seen to enter the hall, and rapidly ascend 
the tribune, a man still yoimg, attired in black, having on his breast the 
badge and riband of the Legion of Honour. 

All eyes were turned towards this man. His face wan and pallid, its 
bony, emaciated angles developed in prominent relief by the shaded lamps; 
his nose large and long; his upper lip covered with moustaches; a lock of hair 
waving over a narrow forehead; his eyes small and dull; his attitude timid 
and anxious, bearing in no respect a resemblance to the emperor — this man 
was the citizen Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. During the murmurs 
which arose upon his entrance, he remained for some instants standing, his 
right hand in the breast of his buttoned coat, erect and motionless on the 
tribune, the front of which bore this date— 22nd, 23rd, 24th of February; 
and above which was inscribed these three words — Liberty, Equahty, Fra- 

Prior to being elected president of the republic, Charles Louis Napoleon 
Bonaparte had been a representative of the people for several months, and 


[1848 A..D.] 

though he had rarely attended a whole sitting, he had been frequently seen 
in the seat he had selected, in the upper benches of the left, in the fifth row in 
the zone, commonly designated the Mountain, behind his old preceptor, the 
representative Vieillard. This man, then, was no new face in the assembly, 
yet his entrance on this occasion produced a profound emotion. It was to 
all, to friends as to foes, the future that had entered on the scene, a future 
unknown. Through the space of immense murmur, formed by the concur- 
rent voices of all present, his name circulated in connection with the most 
opposite estimates. His antagonists recalled to each other his adventures, 
his cowps-de-main, Strasburg, Boulogne, the tame eagle, and the piece of 
meat in the little hat. His friends urged his exile, his proscription, his im- 
prisonment, a well-compiled work of his on artillery, his writmgs at Ham, 
impressed with a certain degree of liberal, democratic, and socialist spirit, 
the maturity of the graver age at which he had now arrived; and to those 
who recalled his follies, they recalled his misfortunes. 

General Cavaignac, who, not having been elected president, had just re- 
signed his power into the hands of the assembly with that tranquil laconism 
which befits republics, was seated in his customary place at the head of the 
ministerial bench, on the left of the tribune, and observed, in silence and 
with folded arms, this installation of the new man. 

At length, silence became restored, the president of the assembly struck 
the table before him several times with his wooden knife, and then the last 
murmurs of the assembly having subsided, said: "I will now read the form 
of the oath." 

There was an almost religious halo about this moment. The assembly 
was no longer an assembly, it was a temple. The immense significance of 
this oath was rendered still more impressive by the circumstance that it was 
the only oath taken throughout the extent of the territory of the republic. 
February had, and rightly, abolished the political oath, and the constitution 
had, as rightly, retained only the oath of the president. This oath possessed 
the double character of necessity and of grandeiu*. It was the oath taken 
by the executive, the subordinate power, to the legislative, the superior 
power; it was stronger still than this — the reverse of the monarchical fiction 
by which the people take the oath to the men invested with power, it was the 
man invested with power who took the oath to the people. The President, 
functionary and servant, swore fidehty to the people, sovereign. Bending 
before the national majesty, manifest in the omnipotent assembly, he re- 
ceived from the assembly the constitution, and swore obedience to it. The 
representatives were inviolable; he, not so. We repeat it: a citizen respon- 
sible to all the citizens, he was, of the whole nation, the only man so bound. 
Hence, in this oath, sole and supreme, there was a solemnity which went to 
the inmost heart of all who heard it. He who writes these pages was present 
in his place in the assembly, on the day this oath was taken; he is one of 
those who, in the face of the civilised world, called to bear witness, received 
this oath in the name of the people, and still, in their name, maintain it. 

Thus it runs: "In presence of God, and before the French people, repre- 
sented by the national assembly, I swear to remain faithful to the democratic 
republic, one and indivisible, and to fulfil all the duties imposed on me by 
the constitution." 

The president of the assembly, standing, read this majestic formula; 
then, before the whole assembly, breathlessly silent, intensely expectant, the 
citizen Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, raising his right hand, said, with 
a firm full voice, "I swear it." 

THE EEPIJBLiC OP 184§ 109 

[1848 A.D.] 

The representative Boulay (de la Meurthe), since vice-president of the 
republic, who had known Charles Louis Napoleon Bonaparte from his child- 
hood, exclaimed: " He is an honest man, he will keep his oath." 

When he had done speaking, the constituent assembly rose, and sent forth, 
as with a single voice, the grand cry, "Long live the republic!" Louis Na- 
poleon Bonaparte descended from the tribune, went up to General Cavaignac, 
and offered him his hand. The General, for a few instants, hesitated to ac- 
cept the pressure. All who had just heard the speech of Louis Napoleon 
Bonaparte, pronounced in an accent so redolent of candour and good faith, 
blamed the general for his hesitation. 

The constitution to» which Louis Napoleon Bonaparte took the oath on 
the 20th of December, 1848, " in the face of God and man," contained, among 
other articles, these: 

Article 36. The representatives of the people are inviolable. Article 37. They may not be 
arrested in criminal matters unless they are taken in the fact, nor prosecuted without the per- 
mission of the assembly, first obtained. Article 68. Every act by which the president of the 
republic shall dissolve the national assembly, prorogue it, or impede the exercise of its decrees, 
is a crime of high treason. 

By such act, of itself, the president forfeits his functions, the citizens are bound to refuse 
to him obedience, and the executive power passes, of full right, to the national assembly. The 
judges of the supreme court shall thereupon immediately assemble, under penalty of forfeiture ; 
they shall convoke the jurors in such place as they shall appoint, to proceed to the trial of the 
president and his accomplices, and they shall themselves appoint magistrates to fulfil the func- 
tions of the state administration. 

In less than three years after this memorable day, on the 2nd of Decem- 
ber, 1851, at daybreak, there might be read at the corners of all the streets 
of Paris this notice: 

In the name of the French people, the president of the republic decrees : Article 1. The 
national assembly is dissolved. Article 3. Universal suffrage is re-established. The law of the 
31st of May is repealed. Article 3. The French people are convoked in their comitia. Article 4. 
The state of siege is decreed throughout the extent of the first military division. Article 5. The 
council of state is dissolved. Article 6. The minister of the interior is charged with the execu- 
tion of the present decree. 

Done at the Palace of the Elysee, December 3nd, 1851. 

Louis Napoleon Bonapabte. 

At the same time Paris learned that fifteen of the inviolable representa- 
tives of the people had been arrested in then- homes, in the course of the 
night, by order of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte.*^ 


[1849-1870 A.D.] 

On the SOth of December, 1848, commenced the government of that 
man to whom France delivered herself in an access of dizziness and 
who was to preside over her destinies till the 2nd of September, 1870. 
" This unfortunate people," according to the expression of a great 
national historian, Michelet, " stabbed itself with its own hand." 
Cavalgnac, a man whose ideas were simple and his words sincere, 
was replaced by a successor with whom all was ulterior purpose and 
subterranean scheme. Since Louis Napoleon's admission to the con- 
stituent assembly, nothing was visible in his politics but a double 
effort to reassure the conservatives and yet flatter the popular 
hopes. — Martin.* 

The immense majority by which Prince Louis Napoleon had been created 
president of the repubUc added greatly to the power of the executive, and 
was an important step in the restoration of order after the Revolution; but 
it was far from appeasing the parties, or producing a similar union in the 
assembly. It was, in truth, a declaration of France against the Revolution, 
and bespoke the anxious desire of the inhabitants to terminate the disorders 
which it had introduced, and return to the occupations of peaceful industry. 
But to the legislature, or at least a large part of its members, it was a serious 
blow, and was felt the more severely that it had been so completely unex- 

The executive power — so important in all countries, so powerful in every 
age in France — had been appointed over their heads by the general voice of 
the people; the president was no longer their officer or administrator, but 
the nominee of a rival power, and might be expected on a crisis to be sup- 
ported by the army, which looked to him for promotion, employment, and 
glory. The seeds, in this way, not merely of discontent and division, but 
probably of strife, were sown in the very outset of the president's power; 
the balance between a popular chief magistrate and an ambitious but dis- 
contented legislature could not long be preserved; and as the nation would 



[1849 A.D.] 

certainly not again go back to the republic, it was already foreseen that it 
must go forward to the empire. 

The first care of the president, after installation in office, was to organise 
a powerful army imder the command of Marshal Bugeaud at Lyons and the 
adjacent provmces near the Alps. It was now raised to seventy-two thousand 
infantry and eight thousand horse. The threatening aspect of affairs in the 
north of Italy amply justified these precautionary measures; and it was 
mainly owing to the formidable front thus presented that the Austrians, 
after their successes over the Piedmontese, had been prevented from crossing 
the Ticino. But the army was destined also for another object: it was to 
this powerful force that Louis Napoleon mainly looked for the support of 
his authority, in the event of that breach with the assembly and democratic 
party which, it was evident, sooner or later, must ensue. 

Public opinion meanwhile in France was so rapidly turning against the 
legislature that it was foreseen its existence could not be long continued. 
The general feeling was forcibly expressed in meetings held in Rennes and 
Lille. "It will no longer do," said an orator in the former city, "for Paris 
to send us down revolutions by the maU-coach; for it is now no longer po- 
litical but social revolutions with which we are visited. The departments in 
Jura have shown unequivocally that they are determined to put an end to 
this system. Reflect on the days which we denominate by the 24th of Feb- 
ruary, the 15th of May, the 23rd of June. Is it to be borne that we are still 
doomed to go to bed at night without knowing whether we shall ever waken 
in the morning?" 

" It is unprecedented in history," said a speaker in LiUe, " that a few thou- 
sand turbiilent adventurers, ever ready for a coup de main, should have suc- 
ceeded on so many occasions in putting in hazard the destinies of a people so 
advanced in civilisation as that of France. We present to Europe the extra- 
ordinary spectacle of a nation of thirty-five million of men ever ready to 
take the yoke from twenty thousand or thirty thousand creators of revolu- 
tions, who descend into the streets at a signal given by a few ambitious leaders, 
and treat France as a conquered country. A unanimous resistance has now 
declared itself against the Parisian tyranny; a violent desire to shake off 
its yoke has made itself felt even by the central government. It is not a 
conspiracy, still less a dream of a federative government; it is an open and 
deliberate movement by the provinces of France, as the old ones of Gaul 
were determined that their interests should no longer be swallowed up in 
those of Rome." 


The general wish foimd vent in a motion made by Rateau, that the gen- 
eral election should take place on the 4th of next May, and the existing as- 
sembly be dissolved on the 19th of that month. The republicans were quite 
aware that it would annihilate their ascendency, and they resolved to an- 
ticipate the legal dissolution of the assembly by a coup d'itat against the 
president. This was a direct appeal to a civil war, and an invitation to a 
coup d'itat; for the president, having been elected by the direct votes of the 
people, and not by the assembly, could not be removed, but by- the same 
authority which had created him, before the legal period of his tenure of 
office expired. 

It was the hoisting of the signal for insurrection that was really intended; 
and this design was carried into execution on the 29th of January, 1849. It 
took place accordingly, but proved a miserable failure. The fire of democracy 


[1849 AA] 

in the great body of the people was burned out. The government were ao- 
quainted with the whole plan of the conspu-ators, and from an early hour 
of the morning all then- places of rendezvous were occupied by large bodies of 
troops, who, far from joming them as they expected, forcibly prevented any 
attempt at assembling. Foiled, disconcerted, and utterly overmatched, the 
conspirators, who came up in considerable numbers from the clubs, had no 
alternative but to retire, and they did so worse than defeated — turned into 

The days of the assembly being now nimibered, its legislative acts ceased 
to be an object of any consideration; and the regulations for the approaching 
election having been passed without a division on the 15th of February, the 
clubs were closed after a stormy debate on the 20th of March following, by the 
slender majority of nineteen votes — the numbers being 378 to 359. This 
was the last important act of the constituent assembly. It rejected, on 
May 15th, by a majority of thirty-seven, a motion to the effect that the 
ministry had lost the confidence of the country, and four days afterwards 
came to an end. Every eye was now fixed on the approaching general 
election, fraught as it was with the future destinies of France.^ 

The constitution of the 12th of November, 1848, was not fitted to siu^ive 
in the time and conditions in which it was produced. The executive and 
deliberative powers had one origin, since they both proceeded from imiversal 
suffrage and were renewed, the one after three, the other after four years' 
exercise. But the president had this advantage — that, being elected by 
millions of suffrages, he seemed to represent the entire nation; whilst the 
assembly consisted only of deputies, each of whom represented some thou- 
sands of votes. Moreover, whilst the foundations were laid for an inevitable 
antagonism, the idea had been to subordinate the executive to the legislative. 
Thus the president made appointments to innumerable offices in the ad- 
ministration: he negotiated treaties and had the army at his disposition: 
but he could not be re-elected; he had neither the right to take command of 
the troops nor that of dissolving the assembly or to oppose a bill which might 
seem to him pernicious. He had too much or too little; and with the tempta- 
tion to resmne the usual prerogatives of public authority, he had been given 
the means to acquire them. 

Nevertheless, the president and the assembly maintained an vmderstand- 
ing so long as it was a question of restoring order and restraining the extreme 
parties. Thus on the 29th of January, as we have seen, and again on the 
13th of June, 1849, the army of Paris under their direction triumphed over 
revolt without bloodshed. 


A matter concerning a foreign nation had caused the latter conflict. 
The European revolutions, to which the revolution of February had given 
birth, had been promptly put down by the kings whom they had alarmed. 
Already Austria, victorious in Hungary, thanks to the Russians, had defeated 
the king of Sardinia, Charles Albert, at Novara; and Lombardy had again 
fallen into its power. The republic proclaimed at Rome, after the flight of 
the pope, vainly endeavoured to make the walls of the Holy City the last 
rampart of the independence of the peninsula. Victorious for an instant, 
six months before, Italy had refused the aid of France; now that she was 
vanquished and threatened by a heavier yoke, policy, and the solicitations 
of the Catholics who were then dominant in the chamber and the ministry, 
made it a duty of the government to protect the Italian peninsula and the 

[1849 A.B.] 

holy see against the revolutionaries who wished to suppress the pope's tem- 
poral royalty. An army commanded by General Oudinot was sent into 
Italy to restore Rome to the pontiff. 

The republicans of Paris endeavoured by an insurrection to save the 
republic of Rome. A member of the former provisional government, Ledru- 
Rollin, was with them. On the 13th of June, 1849, a timely display of troops 
nipped the rising in the bud. This riot cost the party its leaders, who were 
condemned by the high court of Versailles, and the Romans their last hope. 
On the 2nd of July General Oudinot, after showing the utmost discretion in 
the siege of the place, entered Rome, where the pope was reinstated. The 
legislative assembly, which had succeeded the constituent assembly. May 
28th, 1849, although less unanimous on this question, nevertheless approved 
the president's conduct and it was decided that the troops should remain in 
Rome for the protection of the pope. From that day France had one arm 
occupied in Italy, to the advantage of the ultramontanes but to the detriment 
of her general interests.** 


The first thing the assembly attacked was education, just as the ultra- 
royalists had done under the Restoration. A curious spectacle presented 
itself: those of the Orleanists who were best known for never having been 
devout, but who had shown themselves rather the reverse, as Thiers, for 
instance, were among the most enthusiastic in helping on this work for the 
Church. All conservatives, fearing the influence which was pushing the 
democratic section into the arms of the advanced republicans, courted the 
alliance of the clergy, and intrusted them with the mental training of France. 
Montalembert put the question in these terms: "We must choose between 
socialism and Catholicism." 

This was the idea which influenced the best known of the followers of 
Voltaire to return to the church. They thought the elementary teachers 
were dangerous to the cause of order. They looked upon the miassuming 
conscientious men who taught the people to read as the forerunners, if not 
as apostles of revolution. Therefore the first law dealing with education 
withdrew from them the sanctions which the monarchy of July had granted 
them. The prefects had full power to deal with them, and a law treating 
them as "suspects" was passed. 

Nor was the University any more favourably regarded; another law 
placed it imder the supervision of a superior councU, in which the bishops 
were largely represented. Some time after, the classes held by the great 
historian Michelet were closed. It was not long before universal suffrage 
was attacked. Some elections had taken place, and the assembly was alarmed 
to find that the country had changed its opinions, and now gave a majority 
to the advanced republicans. On the 10th of May Paris nommated its can- 
didates — Carnot, Vidal, and Flotte. In all France, out of twenty-eight 
elections, the advanced party gained eighteen. 

It was impossible openly to attack universal suffrage itself; but a resi- 
dence of three years was required to entitle a man to vote; and this could 
only be proved by certain methods — for instance, by the pa3Tnent of taxes. 
This measure involved the political fall of the greater part of the working 
population. Figures will give us an exact idea of the effect of the law: before 
it was passed, there were 9,936,000 electors in France; afterwards there were 
only 6,709,000. With a stroke of the pen the assembly had suppressed a 

H. w. — VOL. xm. I 


[1849-1850 A.D.] 

third part of the nation — 3,200,000 citizens who had had votes since 1848. 
Thiers stamped this mutilation of the suffrage with its true character when 
he made use, during the debate, of the notorious words "vile multitude." 
These were the principal achievements by which the assembly showed 
the kind of spirit that animated it. It would take up too much time to 
recount the details of this long reaction. We will only quote a law on trans- 
portation which was described by the tragic expression "a bloodless guillo- 
tine." This meant, for the party threatened by the assembly, death in a 
distant country, with all the physical suffering which the deadly mists of a 
tropical climate hold in reserve for political offenders. Of course the press 
was not overlooked, and measures were passed limiting its liberties. 

All these laws were brought about by an alliance between Louis Napoleon 
and the majority. The latter did not foresee how the former would be able 
to turn their joint work against them in the future. Of the two, which 

became unpopular? The assembly. And 
when, on the 2nd of December, the president 
wished to get rid of the assembly, what pre- 
text did he allege? The law of the 31st of 
May, supported by himself. Louis Bona- 
parte, the president, had assisted through 
his ministers in the mutilation of universal 
suffrage. Louis Napoleon, wishing to be- 
come emperor, gave as his motive for the 
cowp d'6tat his desire to re-establish univer- 
sal suffrage. 

Nothing now remained but to substitute 
a monarchy for the republic. It was on 
this point that the president and the ma- 
jority in the assembly, who were united 
against the republican spirit, were to dis- 
agree. Naturally the Bonapartists wished 
to reinstate the empire; and the majority of 
. the Right benches only desired a monarchy. 
The schism had begtm less than a year after the presidential election. Till 
then, the president, Louis Napoleon, had allowed the united Orleanists and 
legitimist parties to govern, under the name of Odilon Barrot. On the 31st of 
October, 1849, with a suddenness that was almost melodramatic, he dismissed 
his ministers; and saying that France desired "to feel the hand and the will 
of him who had been elected on the 10th of December" — that " the name of 
Napoleon in itself constituted a programme," he formed a Bonapartist min- 
istry, including Baroche, Rouher, Fould, Ferdinand Barrot, and others. 

This did not prevent the Bonapartist ministry and the royalist majority 
from working together, in 1850, in their work of reaction against the republic, 
by means of the laws we have just mentioned. But as soon as the assembly 
was dispersed, on his return from a journey through France, the president 
reviewed the army at Satory. The cavalry cried, "Long live the emperor!" 
but the infantry was silent. And as proof that this demonstration was made 
to order is the fact that on inquiry the general, having asserted that the troops 
ought not to have uttered this cry while under arms and that they had thus 
prevented the infantry from joining in it, was immediately deprived of his 

In this way plans for a restoration of the empire were revealed; and a 
visit paid by Berryer to the count de Chambord at Wiesbaden, and the fact 

Adoi/PHE Thiers 


[1850-1851 A.D.] 

that Thiers made a journey to Claremont to visit the Orleans family/ and 
energetic attempts to reconcile the two branches of the Bourbons, who had 
been estranged since 1830, showed that the royalists also were planning a 
restoration. The imperialists rallied round the president, while the royalists 
fixed their hopes on General Changarnier, who was in command in Paris. 
Louis Napoleon had him dismissed by the government, in which he had just 
made some changes. This showed what his plans were and a storm arose in 
the assembly. " If you yield," said Thiers, " the empire will be established." 
The assembly overthrew the ministry, but the president replaced it by another 
Bonapartist ministry, rather more insignificant than its predecessor. Chan- 
garnier, however, was not reinstated. 

Monarchists of all shades of opinion were warmly petitioning for a re- 
vision of the constitution — the Bonapartists in order to prolong the powers of 
Louis Napoleon, who was about to stand for re-election; the royalists in 
order to shake the republic. The discussion was a brilliant oratorical strug- 
gle between the partisans of monarchy and the republicans. Berryer was 
the chief mouthpiece of the former. The republican party, aheady weak- 
ened by exile, had still quite a constellation of orators, from Jules Favre to 
Madier de Montjau. The chief of these heirs of Ledru-Rollin was Michel 
de Bom-ges, who, in debate on the revision, rose to splendid heights of oratory. 

The advanced democrats had a still more famous orator: Victor Hugo 
had devoted himself entirely to the republic. His genius, which had at first 
taken little interest in politics, but which had blossomed in the royalist camp, 
had marched with the times. The sight of the reaction of 1850 had made him 
a radical. He was soon to show, amidst the bullets of the coup d'itat and 
in exile, his loyalty and intrepidity in the cause of the people. His great 
speeches on the reactionary laws and his speech on the revision are among 
the most brilliant and most solid of his works. It was in the latter speech 
that he called the president, soon to be emperor, "Napoleon the Little." 

The struggle between the latter and the royalist majority became more 
desperate. Even before the debate on the revision, at the opening of a rail- 
way, he had openly attacked the assembly. From the tribune Changarnier 
had replied that the soldiers would never march against the national repre- 
sentatives, adding emphatically, "Representatives of the country, continue 
your deliberations in peace." But these empty words did not allay the 
anxiety that was felt, and at the end of 1851, the quaestors of the chamber 
proposed to promulgate as a law, and to affix in the barracks, the clause in 
the decree of 1848 giving the president of the chamber the right to call out 
the troops and compelling the officers to obey him. 

The republicans, equally distrusting the royahsts who made the proposi- 
tion and the Bonapartists against whom it was directed, made the mistake 
of voting against it. Michel de Bourges, in his blind confidence, spoke of the 
" invisible sentinel who guards the republic and the people." The proposition 
was rejected. 

The coup d'etat had been long prepared. General Magnan, minister of 
war, had already sounded and gained over the generals under his orders. The 
president Louis Napoleon was only waiting for a propitious moment to break 
the oath which he had sworn to the republic. Many times rumours had been 
set afloat, and many times the republicans had taken their precautions; and 
there was actually a question of risking the coup d'etat earlier. But the 

[• The chief of the Orleans branch, Louis Philippe, died in exile August 26th, 1850, at the 
age of seventy-six. As Martin <" says, " France has not cherished a hostile feeling toward his 
memory ; if he erred in his policy, he made bitter expiation."] 


[1851 A.D.] 

wisest of the party resolved to wait until the vacation of the assembly had 

THE COUP d'etat OF DECEMBER 2ND, 1851 

All was ready. At the last moment Louis Napoleon began to hesitate. 
Bold in his projects, tmdecided in execution, a man of conspiracy without 
being really a man of action, he was capable of allowing the moment_ for 
action to go by; and yet both he and his were at the eid of their pecuniary 
resources. Persigny, who thought he might take any liberty in consideration 
of his absolute devotion, subjected the president to a violent scene. Morny 
and Saint-Amaud also made him feel that the time for dreaming had gone 
by. The day and hour were fixed. 

There were groups in the assembly composed of Bonapartists and of men 
desirous, from other motives, to come to terms with the president, who now 
at the last moment also meditated an unconstitutional revision of the con- 
stitution, but at the hands of the assembly itself. Some poUticians, rather 
clerical than legitimist or Orleanist, such as Montalembert and Falloux, were 
working in this direction. A Bonapartist historian (Granier de Cassagnac)/ 
has asserted that on the evening of the 1st of December Falloux made Louis 
Napoleon an offer to take the initiative at the tribune in proposmg a prolonga- 
tion of the president's powers by a simple majority, if it were necessary to 
have recourse to force in case the Left resisted. Louis Napoleon is said to 
have postponed his answer till the following day. Falloux has protested 
against this inculpation; in the evening Momy, Saint-Arnaud, and Maupas 
arrived at the filys^e and in concert with the president took all the steps for 
the coup d'etat the next morning. Louis Napoleon, who paid a superstitious 
attention to anniversaries, had chosen that of his uncle's coronation and of 
the day of Austerlitz, the 2nd of December.^ 

On that day, the prince went out on horseback, accompanied by a brilliant 
escorts of generals; they passed through the Champs Elys^es, along the 
streets and the boulevards, greeted by the troops and by some of the people. 
It was the seal of his victory. 

However, the struggle was not ended, lawful resistance was followed by 
riots, which had no chance of success with a government and generals who 
were decided on action. Both the representatives of the Mountain — who 
had declared so proudly on the 17th of November that the assembly was 
under its protection — and the people had tried in vain on December 2nd to 
organise resistance. On the morning of the 3rd, a barricade was raised in 
the faubourg St. Antoine; it was easUy destroyed by the troops after a brief 
fire, during which a delegate, Baudin, was killed. In the course of the day 
and in the evening new barricades were erected in the districts of St. Martin 
and the Temple; they offered but a slight resistance to the troops. Measures 
had been carefully taken, and "the people" replied but faintly to the appeal 
of its representatives. 

The following day, December 4th, was more serious though without en- 
dangering the new state of affairs. The troops had returned to their barracks, 
either because General Saint-Arnaud believed that resistance had come to an 
end, or because, following the example of Cavaignac in June, he did not wish 
to disperse his troops, or else because he wished to give the rebels an oppor- 
tvmity to form their army so that he might destroy it by a single blow: bar- 
ricades were erected freely in the usual quarters; the troops were not brought 
out till the afternoon. There took place what has been called, not without 
exaggeration, "the boulevard massacre." A body of troops, which had been 



[1851 A.D.] 

fired on, returned the fire without orders.? Many oalookers were counted 
among the dead. Victor Hugo, who was banished for his opposition to 
Napoleon, wrote in exile an account of this massacre, from which we quote. 

VICTOR Hugo's account of the boulevabd massacre 

A little after one o^clock, December 4th, the whole length of the boule- 
vards, from the Madeleine, was suddenly covered with cavalry and infantry, 
presenting a total of 16,410 men. Each brigade had its artillery with it. 
Two of the cannon, with their muzzles turned different ways, had been 
pointed at the ends of the rue Montmartre and the faubourg Montmartre 
respectively; no one knew why, as neither the street nor the faubourg pre- 
sented even the appearance of a barricade. The spectators, who crowded 
the pavement and the windows, looked 
with affright at all these cannon, sa- 
bres, and bayonets, which thus blocked 
up the street. 

"The troops were laughing and 
chatting," says one witness. Another 
witness says, "The soldiers had a 
strange look about them." Most of 
them were leaning upon their muskets, 
with the butt-end upon the ground, 
and seemed nearly falling from fatigue, 
or something else. One of those old 
officers who are accustomed to read a 
soldier's thoughts in his eyes, General 

, said, as he passed the caf6 Fras- 

cati, "They are drimk." 

There were now some indications 
of what was about to happen. At 
one moment, when the crowd was 
crying to the troops, "Vive la r4pu- 
blique! Down with Louis Bonaparte!" 
one of the officers was heard to say, 
in a low voice, "Ceci va toumer h la 
charcuterie!" (We shall soon have a 

little to do in the pork-butchering Victor Hugo 


A battalion of infantry debouches from the rue Richelieu. Before the 
cafe Cardinal it is greeted by a unanimous cry of " Vive la ripvblique!" A 
literary man, the editor of a conservative paper, who happened to be on the 
spot, adds the words, "Down with Soulouque!" The officer of the staff, 
who commanded the detachment, makes a blow at him with his sabre. The 
journalist avoids the blow and the sabre cuts in two one of the small trees on 
the boulevards. 

As the 1st regiment of Lancers, commanded by Colonel Rochefort, came 
up opposite the rue Taitbout, a numerous crowd covered the pavement of 
the boulevards. This crowd was composed of some of the inhabitants of that 
quarter of the town, of merchants, artists, journalists, and even several young 
mothers leading their children by the hand. As the regiment was passing by, 
men and women — everyone, in fact — cried, " Vive la constitution ! Vive lalai! 
Vive la r^publiqitel" Colonel Rochefort, the same person who had presided 


[1851 A.D.] 

at the banquet given on the 31st of October, 1851, at the ficole MUitaire by 
the 1st regiment of Lancers to the 7th regunent of Lancers, and who at this 
banquet had proposed as a toast "Prince Louis Napoleon, the chief of the 
state, the personification of that order of which we are the defenders —tlus 
colonel, on hearmg the crowd utter the above cry, which was perfectly legal, 
spurred his horse into the midst of the crowd, through all the chairs on the 
pavement, while the Lancers precipitated themselves after him, and men, 
women, and children were indiscriminately cut down. "A great number 
remained dead on the spot," says a defender of the coup d 6tat; and then 
adds, " It was done in a moment." ■. c 4.u 

About two o'clock two howitzers were pointed at the extremity ot the 
boulevard Poissonni^re, at one hundred and fifty paces from the little ad- 
vanced barricade of the guardhouse on the boulevard Bonne-NouveUe. 
While placmg the guns in their proper position, two of the artillerymen, who 
are not often guilty of a false manoeuvre, broke the pole of a caisson. " Don't 
you see they are drunk!" exclaimed a man of the lower classes. 

At half past two— for it is necessary to follow the progress of this hideous 
drama minute by minute, and step by step— the firmg commenced before 
the barricade, but it was languid and almost seemed as if done for amusement 
only. The chief officers appeared to be thinking of anything but a combat. 
We shall soon see, however, of what they were thinking. The first cannon 
ball, badly aimed, passed above all the barricades and killed a little boy at 
the chateau d'Eau as he was procuring water from the basin. The shops were 
shut, as were also almost all the windows. There was, however, one window 
left open in an upper story of the house at the corner of the rue d.e Sentier. 
The principal mass of mere spectators were stiU on the southern side of the 
street. It was an ordinary crowd and nothing more — men, women, children, 
and old people who looked upon the languid attack and defence of the bar- 
ricade as a sort of sham fight. This barricade served as a spectacle imtil the 
moment arrived for making it a pretext. 

The soldiers had been skirmishing in this manner, and the defenders of 
the barricade returning their fire, for about a quarter of an hour, without 
anyone being wounded on either side, when suddenly, as if by the agency of 
electricity, an extraordinary and terrible movement was observed, first in 
the infantry and then in the cavalry. All of a sudden, as we have said before, 
the cavalry, infantry, and artillery faced towards the dense crowd upon the 
pavement, and then, without anyone being able to assign a reason for it, 
unexpectedly, without any motive, without any previous warning, as the in- 
famous proclamations of the morning had announced, the butchery com- 
menced from the theatre of the Gymnase, to the Bains Chinois — that is to 
say the whole length of the richest, the most frequented, and the most joyous 
boulevard of Paris. The army commenced shooting down the people, with 
the muzzles of their muskets actually touching them. 

It was a horrible moment: it would be impossible to describe the cries, 
the arms of the people raised towards heaven, their surprise, their horror — 
the crowd flying in all directions, the shower of balls falling on the pavement 
and bounding to the roofs of the houses, corpses covering the road in a single 
moment, young men falling with their cigars still in their mouths, women in 
velvet gowns shot down dead by the long rifles, two booksellers killed on 
their own thresholds without knowing what offence they had committed, 
shots fired down the cellar-holes and killing anyone, no matter who hap- 
pened to be below. 

When the butchery was ended — that is to say when night had completely 


[1851 A.D.] 

set in, and it had begun in the middle of the day — the dead bodies were not 
removed; they were so numerous that thirty-three of them were counted 
before a single shop. Every space of ground left open in the asphalt at the 
foot of the trees on the boulevards was a reservoir of blood. "The dead 
bodies," says a witness, "were piled up in heaps, one upon the other, old 
men, children, persons in blouses and paletots, all collected pell-mell, in one 
indescribable mass of heads, arms, and legs." 

Ah! you will tell me, M. Bonaparte, that you are sorry, but that it was an 
unfortunate affair; that in presence of Paris, ready to rise, it was necessary 
to adopt some decided measure, and that you were forced to this extremity; 
that as regards the coup d'etat, you were in debt, that your ministers were in 
debt, that your aides-de-camp were in debt, that your footmen were in debt, 
that you had made yourself answerable for them all, and that, deuce take it, 
a man cannot be a prince without squandering, from time to time, a few 
millions too much — that he must amuse himself and enjoy life a little; that 
the assembly was to blame for not having understood this, and for wishing to 
restrict you to two wretched millions a year, and, what is more, for wishing 
to make you resign your authority at the expiration of four years, and act 
up to the constitution; that, after all, you could not leave the Mys6e to enter 
the debtors' prison at Clichy; that you had in vain had recourse to those 
little expedients which are provided for by Article 405 of the criminal code; 
that an exposure was at hand; that the demagogical press was spreadmg 
strange tales; that the matter of the gold ingots threatened to become known; 
that you were bound to respect the name of Napoleon; and that, by my 
faith, having no other alternative, and not wishing to be a vulgar criminal, 
to be dealt with in the common course of law, you preferred being one of the 
assassins of history! 

So then, instead of polluting, this blood you shed purified you! Very 

I continue my account. When all was finished, Paris came to see the 
sight. The people flocked in crowds to the scenes of these terrible occur- 
rences; no one offered them the least obstruction. This was what the butcher 
wanted. Louis Napoleon had not done aU this to hide it afterwards. 

Thirty-seven corpses were heaped up in the cit6 Berg^re; the passers-by 
could coimt them through the iron railings. A woman was standing at the 
corner of the rue Richelieu. She was looking on. All of a sudden, she felt 
that her feet were wet. "Why, it must have been raining here," she said; 
"my shoes are full of water." "No, Madam," replied a person who was 
passing, "it is not water." Her feet were in a pool of blood. 

A witness says, "The boulevards presented a horrible sight. We were 
literally walking in blood. We counted eighteen corpses in about five-and- 
twenty paces." Another witness, the keeper of a wine-shop in the rue du 
Sentier, says, " I came along the boulevard du Temple to my house. When 
I got home I had an inch of blood around the bottom of my trousers." 

The massacre was but a means; the end was intimidation. Was this end 
attained? Yes. Immediately afterwards, as early as the 4th of December, 
the public excitement was calmed. Paris was stupefied. The voice of in- 
dignation which had been raised at the coup d'etat was suddenly hushed at 
the carnage. Matters had assumed an appearance completely unknown in 
history. People felt that they had to deal with one whose nature was im- 
known. Crassus had crushed the gladiators; Herod had slaughtered the 
infants; Charles IX had extermmated the Huguenots; Peter of Ruesia, the 
Strelitz guards; Mehemet All, the mamelukes; Mahmoud, the janissaries; 


[1851 A.D.] 

while Danton had massacred the prisoners: Louis Napoleon had just dis- 
covered a new sort of massacre — the massacre of the passers-by. 

From this moment, in spite of all the efforts of the committees, of the 
repubUcan representatives, and of their courageous allies, there was— save 
at certain points only, such as the barricade of the Petit Carreau, for instance, 
where Denis Dussoubs, the brother of the representative, fell so heroically — 
naught but a slight effort of resistance which more resembled the convulsions 
of despair than a combat. All was finished. The next day, the 5th, the 
victorious troops paraded on the boulevards. A general was seen to show 
his naked sword to the people, and was heard to exclaim: "There is the re- 
public for you!" 

Thus it was this infamous butchery, this massacre of the passers-by, 
which was meant as a last resource by the measures of the 2nd of December. 
To undertake them, a man must be a traitor; to render them successful, he 
must be an assassin. It was by this wolf-like proceeding that the coup 
d'6tat conquered France and overcame Paris. Yes, Paris! It was necessary 
for a man to repeat it over and over again to himself before he can credit it. 
Is it at Paris that aU this happened? 

Is it possible that, because we still eat and drink; because the coach- 
makers' trade is flourishing; because you, navigator, have work in the Bois 
de Boulogne; because you, mason, gain forty sous a day at the Louvre; be- 
cause you, banker, have made money by the Austrian metallics, or by a loan 
from the house of Hope and Co.; because the titles of nobility are restored; 
because a person can now be called Monsieur le comte or Madame la duchesse; 
because religious processions traverse the streets on the occasion of the F6te- 
Dieu; because people take their pleasure; because they are merry; because the 
walls of Paris are covered with bills of f 6tes and theatres — is it possible that, 
because this is the case, men forget that there are corpses lying beneath? 

Is it possible that because men's daughters have been to the ball at the 
;ficole Militaire, because they returned home with dazzled eyes, aching heads, 
torn dresses, and faded bouquets; because, throwing themselves on their 
couches, they have dozed off to sleep, and dreamed of some handsome officer — 
is it possible that, because this is the case, we should no longer remember 
that under the turf beneath our feet, in an obscure grave, in a deep pit, in 
the inexorable gloom of death, there lies a crowd that is still icy cold and 
terrible — a multitude of human beings already become a shapeless mass, 
devoured by the worm, consumed by corruption, and beginning to be con- 
founded with the earth around them; a multitude of human beings who 
existed, worked, thought, and loved; who had the right to live, and who 
were murdered ? ^ 


The aspect of Paris on the morning of December 5th was sinister. Here 
and there pools of blood were to be seen on the pavements of the boiilevards. 
Corpses had been ranged in the cit6 Berg^re at the entrance to the faubourg 
Montmartre. A much larger number, more than three hundred and fifty, 
according to the testimony of the warden of the Cimetiere du Nord, were 
transported to that cemetery; the warden had received orders to bury them 
immediately; he only half-obeyed and left the heads above ground so that 
the families might at least recognise their dead! 

The Parisians could no longer laugh at Louis Napoleon: he had succeeded 
in getting himself taken seriously; ridicule had disappeared under horror. 


[1851-1852 A.D.] 

The coup d'6tat was winning the day. The weak hastened to come to terms; 
the strong were furious at their impotence to punish triumphant crime; the 
crowd, stunned, was silent: the greater number bowed prostrate. During the 
day of the 5th of December silent and sombre figures breathing concentrated 
fury were seen wandering slowly about the boulevards; in the central quarters 
some feeble attempts at barricades were renewed and almost instantly aban- 
doned. All was indeed over in Paris! That same day, the 5th of December, 
a decree of the president declared that when troops should have contributed 
by fighting "to re-establish order" at home, that service should be counted 
as service in the field. Service in civil war was raised to the level of service 
in foreign war. 

On the 6th of December a decree restored the Panthlon to religious wor- 
ship and reconverted it into the church of Ste. Genevieve. Advances to 
the clergy followed the favours to the army. By a circular of the 15th Momy 
exhorted the prefects to do what authority could accomplish to secure respect 
for the Sunday rest. He prescribed the interruption of public work on Sun- 
days and holy days. He declared that "the man who in contempt of the 
most venerated traditions reserves no day for the accomplishment of his 
duties becomes sooner or later a prey to materialism!" The voluptuary 
with bloodstained hands constituted himself a teacher of religious morality 
and of orthodoxy. This was characteristic of the new regime, in which every 
kind of excess was to be associated with every kind of hypocrisy. 

A decree of the 7th of December had deferred all overt acts relative to 
what was called the insurrection, to the military jurisdiction. The next day 
it was decreed that any individual who should have made part of a secret 
society or who, having been placed under the surveillance of the haute police, 
should have left the place assigned to him, could be transported, as a measure 
required by the general safety, to Cayenne or Algeria. This placed a number 
of persons at the discretion of the government, especially in the south. 

In Paris arrests multiplied in an alarming manner. According to the 
Bonapartist historians they exceeded twenty-six thousand. The prisons 
of Paris were filled; the overflow of prisoners was sent to the forts, where 
they were crowded together in damp and freezing casemates. Workmen 
and bourgeois mingled in almost equal mmabers in the fraternity of the cell. 

The struggle, stifled at Paris, continued in the departments. The de- 
partments were much divided. The democratic-socialistic propaganda had 
made but insignificant progress in these regions, although the industrial 
populations were beginning to practise with success the ideas of association 
— for example, in what concerned the societies of consumption. The demo- 
cratic propaganda, on the contrary, in spite of the arrest of the first organisers, 
had developed to an extraordinary extent in the south and in a part of the 
centre. There it was no longer, as formerly, the workmen of the towns; it 
was the peasants, who were again taking action, as in '89 — with this difference, 
to the great disadvantage of the new movement: there was no longer, 
as in '89, a clear idea, a definite object, namely the destruction of privilege 
and of the old regime. Men accepted the vague word socialism, while reject- 
ing anything which might resemble communism. In all this nothing was 
clearly determined except the name of "republic" and the resolution of a 
general rising in 1852. The order had gone forth to go to the voting, each 
with arms in his hand, in defiance of the law of the 31st of May; it was 
calculated that a democratic restoration would be the result of this struggle. 
In what form exactly would it be? No one could well have told. 

The year 1852 appeared to a great part of the popular masses as a sort of 


[1851-1852 A.D.] 

mystic date, a new era of liberty and prosperity. The hope of some was the 
terror of others. This impendmg revolution inspired the conservatives with 
such fear that it prepared them to accept anything m order to escape upheaval. 
It goes without saying that the military and civil functionaries, selected 
and prepared long beforehand, adhered, with honourable exceptions, to the 
coup d'6tat. In the north and west the republicans could make only feeble 
manifestations in a few towns. , , ,-iv. 

The attempts at revolt which had broken out on a hundred different 
points in the southwest indicated what the rising might have been if one at 
least of the two great cities of the Garonne had afforded it a centre of support. 
The democratic party was still more powerful in the southeast. The three 
old provinces of Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphin^ were everywhere 
covered with affiliations of the society of the Mountainists. Initiations took 
place with a ceremonial borrowed more or less from the free-masons and the 
carbonari, and calculated to unpress the imagination. The neophyte, his 
eyes bandaged, took an oath on a sword. In H^rault he was made to swear 
by Christ that he would defend the democratic and socialistic republic. " Dost 
thou swear," said the initiator to him, " to quit father and mother, wife and 
children, to fly to the defence of liberty? " " I swear it three times by Christ." 
It is said that there were sixty thousand persons affiliated in Herault. 

After the suppression of the insurrection in Herault more than three 
thousand persons were arrested, of whom more than two thousand were de- 
ported. In hunting down the fugitives, the pursuing soldiers constantly shot 
dead those who endeavoured to escape them. In Basses-Alpes the republican 
rising had been almost unanimous; there curfe had been seen associating 
themselves with it with a sincere devotion, and sharing its perils. The ruin 
was general, as the movement had been. Many of the inhabitants fled, to 
escape the arrests en masse. VUlages were depopulated. Sequestrations 
were employed agartist the fugitives — in fact, no means of persecution was 
neglected. In this department, the least populous of all, nearly one thousand 
persons were deported. The misfortunes and the patriotism of this honest 
and courageous population deserve the esteem and sjnnpathy of France. 

The struggle was everywhere terminated towards the middle of Decem- 
ber. The few crimes committed here and there by insurgents cannot be 
brought into comparison with the atrocity of the tremendous reaction which 
extended over a great part of France. Many harmless persons, whole groups 
of the population, had done honour to themselves by their courageous re- 
sistance; but as Eugene T6not,9 the excellent historian of the coup d'etat, 
has remarked, events had exhibited on a large scale the impotence of secret 
societies to effect the general movements which decide the destinies of coun- 
tries; and yet in this case those societies had the exceptional advantage of 
having justice as well as law in their favour. 


The struggle had come to an end; it had been replaced by the terrorising 
of the conquered. Thirty-two departments were in a stage of siege. Nearly 
one himdred thousand citizens were captives in the prisons or the fortresses. 
The casemates of the forts about Paris were overflowing with prisoners. The 
examining magistrates proceeded to summary interrogations, after which the 
persons detained were sent before military commissions. The latter, in ac- 
cordance with the dossiers of the police and a few words added by the judges 


[1851-1852 A.D.] 

to those notes, classed the prisoners in one of these three categories: (1) 
Persons taken with arms in their hands or against whom grave charges are 
brought; (2) Persons agamst whom less grave charges are brought; (3) 
Dangerous persons. The first category was to be judged summarily by court 
martial; the second sent before various tribimals; the third deported without 

It was imder such conditions that the vote on the appeal to the people 
was proceeded with on the 20th and 21st of December. It may be judged 
what degree of liberty was left to the electors. There were to be no news- 
papers, no meetings. The prefects classed electoral meetings with the secret 
societies. The general commanding the department of Cher had had placards 
put up to the effect that any person seeking to disturb the voting or criticising 
the result would be brought before a court martial. The prefect of Bas- 
Rhin had formally interdicted the distribution of the voting papers. The 
prefect of Haute-Garonne annotmced that he would prosecute anyone who 
should distribute voting papers, even in manuscript, without authority. The 
gendarmerie arrested electors on charge of having incited others to vote 
against the president of the republic. 

The consultative commission instituted by Louis Napoleon on the 3rd of 
December was entrusted with the coimting of the ballot of the appeal to the 
people. It reported 7,439,216 ayes, 646,737 noes, 36,880 papers rejected. At 
Paris there had been 132,181 ayes, 80,691 noes, 3,200 rejected papers; 75,000 
electors had not voted. 

What was the value of these figures? It is impossible to doubt that 
violence and fraud had considerably swelled them. What supervision had it 
been possible to exercise over the votes? What scruples were to be expected 
from a great number of the men who presided at the elections? The people 
voted under the influence of terror in many departments where all who were 
not in prison or in flight voted " aye" to pacify the conqueror. The immense 
majority of ten to one, which the consultative commission proclaimed was then 
evidently artificial; nevertheless, without this terrorising, Louis Napoleon 
would have obtained a much smaller but still a real majority in the greater 
part of France: the Napoleonic prestige still subsisted with some; others, as 
was inevitable in such a case, yielded to fear of the unknown, to the dread of 
a new crisis on the heels of the old. 

Louis Napoleon tried to justify his usurpation by a sophism: "France," 
he said, " has realised that I exceeded the boimds of legality only to return to 
justice. More than seven millions of votes have now absolved me." He 
said that with the assistance of "all good men, the devotion of the army, 
and the protection of heaven," he hoped to render himself worthy of the con- 
fidence which the people would continue to place in him. "I hope," he 
added, " to secure the destinies of France by founding institutions which will 
answer at once to the democratic instincts of the nation and the universal 
desire to have henceforth a strong and respected government. To recon- 
stitute authority without woimding equality is to plant the foundations of 
the sole edifice which will later on be capable of supporting a wise and be- 
neficent liberty." Thus he deigned to promise liberty at a future date, 
while reserving to himself the choice of the moment. 

On the morning of that day of the year which opened a period so differ- 
ent from that on which many hopes had waited in 1852, a decree had sub- 
stituted the imperial eagle of Rome for the cock by which the constitutional 
monarchy and the republic recalled ancient Gaul. Another decree announced 
that the chief of the state was about to take the Tuileries for his residence. 


[1881-1853 A.D.] 

Whilst the man of the 2nd of December was installing himself in the palace 
of the kings, the chief representatives of the republic were driven into exile. 


From the day which followed the coup d'6tat the executors of the plot 
had given very different treatment to the captive representatives, according 
to whether they were conservatives or republicans. They had at first divided 
the 282 representatives, confined in the barracks of the quai d'Orsay, into 
three convoys; they had crowded them into the prison vans in which male- 
factors are carried. Forty members of the Right were set at liberty. The 
republicans were conducted to Mazas, where they were placed in the cells 
and under the same rules as thieves. The imprisoned generals had just been 
sent from Mazas to Ham; At Mazas they had left Thiers who, like the gen- 
erals, had been arrested during the preceding night. 

On the 4th, almost all the prisoners of Vincennes were set at liberty. On 
the 8th of January the generals detained at Ham and their companion in 
captivity, the questeur Baze, were conducted into Belgium. The next day 
appeared a series of decrees of proscription. The individuals " convicted of 
having taken part in the recent insurrections" were to be deported — some to 
Guiana, others to Algeria. A decree designated five representatives of the 
Mountain for deportation. The sentence of deportation was afterwards 
commuted into exile for three of them. A second decree expelled from France, 
from Algeria, and from the colonies, " on grounds of the general safety," sixty- 
six representatives of the Left, amongst them Victor Hugo and several others 
who were destined to aid in the foimdation of the third republic. 

A third decree temporarily removed from France and Algeria eighteen 
other representatives, amongst whom the generals figured, together with 
Thiers, Remusat, and some members of the Left, of whom were Edgar Quinet 
and ;^mile de Girardin. The same day, January 9th, a first convoy of four 
hundred and twenty of the Parisian captives was sent from the fort of Bicfetre 
to Le Havre; they were crowded together at the bottom of the hold of a frigate. 
Convoys followed one another incessantly in the direction of the ports where, 
amid all kinds of moral and physical sufferings, thousands of unfortimates 
waited for the departure of the vessels. Cayenne and Lambessa divided the 

Whilst the prisons of Paris were being emptied in this fashion, attention 
was also given to the departments. The new government was embarrassed 
by the multitude of its captives. It authorised its prefects to set at liberty 
all those of the prisoners whom they might judge not dangerous (January 
29th). This measure was the famous "mixed commissions" (commissions 
mixtes). In each department a sort of tribunal was set up, composed of the 
prefect, the military commandant, and the chej du parquet (procureur-g^n^ral 
or prosecutor for the repubhc). On these commissions was conferred the 
power to decree citation before a court martial, transportation, or release. 

It was the reversal of all law and justice — something worse than the 
revolutionary tribunals of '93 and than the provosts' courts (cours pr&vdtales) 
of the restoration, which at least admitted discussion and defence in public. 
The mixed commissions of 1852, as the historian of the coup d'etat (Eugene 
T6not9) says, "decided without procedure, without hearmg of witnesses, 
without public sentence the fate of thousands and thousands of republicans." 
The mixed commissions have left the ineffaceable memory of one of the most 
monstrous facts of history, 


[1852 1..D.] 


An act quite as extraordinary in another class was the promulgation of 
the new constitution fabricated by the dictator himself without assistance 
(Januarjr 14th, 1852). The conqueror of Italy and Egypt, the vanquisher 
of Austria, had at least, for the sake of formalitjj, required eminent men to 
deliberate on his constitution of the year VIII. The vanquisher of the 2nd 
of December had not thought it necessary to cover himself by such forms. 
In a preamble skilfully enough drawn up, with the object of proving that 
for the last fifty years the French nation had only continued in virtue of 
the institutions of the consulate and the empire, he affirmed tiiat society as 
existing was nothing other than France regenerated by the revolution of '89 
and organised by the emperor. Having kept everything belonging to the 
consulate and the empire, save the political institutions overturned by the 
European coalition, why should France not resimie those political institutions 
with the rest? 

The constitution of 1852 starts by "recognising, confirming, and guaran- 
teeing the great principles proclaimed in 1789, which are the base of the public 
law of the French." Only it says not a word of the liberty of the press, nor 
of the liberty of assembly and association. " The government of the French 
Republic is confided for ten years to Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte." 
The constitution declares the chief of the state responsible to the French 
people; but it forgets to mention how this responsibility is to be realised; 
the French people will have no means of applying it except by the way of 
revolution. "The chief being responsible, his action must be free and im- 
shackled." The ministers then must depend only on him and will no longer 
form a collectively and individually responsible coimcil. They will no longer 
bear any relation to the deliberative assemblies. "The president of the 
republic commands the sea and land forces, declares war, makes treaties of 
peace, of alliance and of commerce, nominates to all offices, makes the regu- 
lations and decrees necessary to the execution of the laws." 

Justice is rendered in his name. He alone initiates laws. He sanctions 
and promulgates laws. AU public functionaries make the oath of fidelity 
to him. The fij-st wheel in the new organisation is to be a council of state 
of forty to fifty members, nominated and liable to be dismissed by the presi- 
dent of the republic, discussing bills with closed doors, then presenting them 
for the acceptance of the legislative body. In fact the constitution of 1852 
outdid, as a monarchical reaction, the constitution of the year VIII. It was 
not the consulate; it was already the empire, organised dictatorship, and the 
total confiscation of public liberties. Thirty-seven years after the fall of 
Napoleon the Great, the long struggles of French liberty ended in re-estab- 
lishing absolute power in hands without genius and without glory. 

The same day, the 22nd of January, appeared a decree which obliged the 
members of the house of Orleans to sell within the space of a year all the 
property belonging to them in the territory of the repubhc. On the 29th 
of March the prince-president proceeded to the inauguration of the chambers 
in the Hall of the Marshals at the Tuileries. It was thought that in his 
speech he would make it understood that he expected another title — that of 
emperor. He left this subject still undetermined. He spoke of still pre- 
serving the republic. This was to mock at his listeners and at France ; but he 
did not wish to appear to be in a hurry to seize what could not now escape him. 

The session of the two chambers was then opened by the presidents whom 


[1852 A..B:} 

the dictator had given them. In the senate Louis Napoleon had chosen his 
uncle, Jerome, the ex-king of Westphalia. In virtue of the new constitution 
the presidents claimed from the members of the two chambers the oath of 
obedience to the constitution and of fidelity to the president of the republic. 
During the session a rumour was current that Louis Napoleon would be 
proclaimed emperor on the 10th of May, after the distribution of the eagles 
to the army. The dictator did not wish to make himself emperor in this 
manner. He would proceed more artfully, and intended to obtain a guaran- 
tee that the accomplishment of his wishes should be imposed on him by the 
country. He therefore undertook a new tour through the departmente.6 

napoleon's addbess at BOEDEAUX (1852) 

Master of himself in the midst of the general enthusiasm, Louis Napoleon 
was preparing for the great speech which would definitely decide his destiny 
and the destiny of France. It was made at Bordeaux on the 9th of October, 
at the close of a banquet which had been given him by the chamber of com- 
merce. Contrary to his custom he went straight to the point: 

" I say with a frankness as far removed from pride as from false modesty, 
that never has any nation manifested in a more direct, more spontaneous, 
more unanimous manner its wish to rid itself of all anxiety as to the future, 
by strengthening under one control the government which is sympathetic 
to it. The reason is that this people now realises both the false hopes which 
lulled it and the perils which threatened it. It knows that in 1852 Society 
was hurrying to its downfall. It is grateful to me for having saved the ship 
by setting up only the flag of France. Disabused of absurd theories, the 
nation has acquired the conviction that its so-called reformers were but 
dreamers, for there was always an inconsistency, a disproportion, between 
their resources and the promised results. To bring about the weU-being of 
the country it is not necessary to apply new methods, but to give it, before 
all else, confidence in the present and security as to the future. These are 
the reasons why France appears anxious to revert to an empire." 

The important word had at last been uttered. With insinuating clever- 
ness Louis Napoleon also brought forward the principal objection to the 
scheme: , "There is an apprehension abroad of which I must take note. In 
a spirit of distrust, certain persons are saying that imperialism means war. 
I say imperialism means peace. It means peace because France desires it, 
and when France is satisfied the world is at rest. Glory may well be be- 
queathed as an inheritance, but not war. Did those princes who were justly 
proud of being descendants of Louis XIV revive his quarrels? War is not 
made for pleasure, but by necessity; and in these times of transition when, 
side by side with so many elements of prosperity, on every hand so many 
causes of death arise, one may truly say: 'Woe imto him who first gives the 
signal in Europe for a collision whose consequences would be incalculable.'" 

Prolonged cheers greeted these sentiments of pacific pride. The enthusi- 
asm became tinged with emotion when the prince, continuing, outlined in 
superb language the programme of his future government — a stately plan 
for an edifice never, alas! erected. On the 10th of October the presidential 
address, "The Bordeaux Speech" as it was promptly dubbed, was telegraphed 
to Paris. So dignified, conciliatory, and loyal did its language appear, that 
it instantly produced an emotion which was not artificial or simulated, but 
profound and sincere. 

Louis Napoleon visited in rapid succession Angoul6me, Rochefort, La 

XIII. Napoleon III. Liberating Abdul-Kadir 
{From the painting by Jean Baptiste Tissier) 


[1851 A.D.] 

Rochelle, and Tours; he made a last halt at Amboise and there, to impress the 
public fancy by some new and striking act, he set free the imprisoned Abdul- 

At two o'clock in the afternoon of the 16th of October, he arrived in Paris, 
and was received with full official pomp and circumstance. Representatives 
of official bodies went to the Gare d'Orl^ans to salute him. The soimd of 
cannon mingled with the pealing of bells, while strains of military music 
alternated with patriotic songs. On the place de la Bastille the president of 
the municipal council, M. Delangle, publicly congratulated him. 

Throughout the long line of the boulevards the theatres, public buildings, 
even some of the shops were decorated with triumphal arches. On one of 
them might be read some lines from Virgil: "May the Gods of our fathers 
be favourable to this youth in this troubled age." More even than the apt 
quotation, the continuous cheers of the crowd gave its true significance to the 
reception. Thus was Louis Napoleon borne to the palace of the Tuileries. 
Then in the evening, satiated with homage, eager for rest and repose, he 
escaped from the ovations and made his way to the chateau of St. 


Bradford^ has emphasised the fact that in showing its preference for 
Louis Napoleon, France was the first European nation that had "attempted 
to form or express any common will." No other ruler in Europe could know 
definitely, except by the vaguest of inferences, whether or not he held his 
official position with the approval of the majority of his subjects. But there 
could be no question as to the attitude of the French people as a whole 
toward the man who was about to become their supreme ruler. And in 
expressing their approval of that man, the people of France expressed also, 
in the view of Bradford, a desire for peace and order. They believed, justly 
enough, that to attain that end there must exist a strong executive power. 
It was not strange that they should feel that the most likely wielder of such 
a power would be the bearer of the magic name of Bonaparte. 

It was the fond hope of the multitudes, then, that now in France, as in 
the Rome of an elder day, empire should mean peace. But this hope, as all the 
world knows, was not to be immediately reaUsed. Within a few years Louis 
Napoleon, actuated by self-seekers like Morny and Saint-Arnaud, was to pre- 
cipitate the Crimean War. Similar forces were to bring about the Austrian 
War within the same decade, with the resulting independence of Italy, paid 
for with the heavy price of abrogated treaties. Then there was to follow the 
" surpassing folly " of the Mexican expedition, with the execution of Maximihan 
for its humiliating sequel. And not so far beyond was to come the crowning 
disaster of the Franco-Prussian War, which might almost be regarded as a 
just retribution upon the empire, but which fell heavily upon a people who 
suffered not so much for their own sins as for the delinquencies of their rulers. 
But few indeed were the prophets who could foretell, even vaguely, the 
disasters that the enthusiasts of 1852 were imwittingly preparing." 


On December 1st, 1852, at eight o'clock in the evening, in the midst of 
a thick fog, two hundred carriages, lighted by torchbearers on horseback, 
crossed the bridge of Boulogne, and went in the direction of the palace of 
St. Cloud, the windows of which were seen shining from afar; the members 


[1852-1853 A.D.] 

of the senate occupied these carriages; they carried the prince-president the 
decree of the senate which named him emperor. 

The fete of the proclamation of the empire was very similar to that of the 
return of the prince-president, and curiosity began to be exhausted: the same 
flags, the same imiforms, the same people, the same decorations, a smaller crowd 
in the streets, but more animation in the theme. The new government, by way 
of a gift to celebrate the joyous accession, delivered from imprisonment and 
fine those .who were condemned for misdemeanours and infractions of the 
laws covering the press and the book trade: official warnings which had been 
sent to the journals were considered null and void; there was to be no am- 
nesty; exiles might return "if they acknowledged the national will," that is, 
if they demanded pardon. The absence of clemency, and the monotony of 
the same decorations, the same banners, the same arches, the same trans- 
parencies made the day dreary for some, fatiguing for others, long for all. Paris 
was anxious to escape from the outward trappings and to enter into the reality. 
A banquet for sixty persons and a simple reception at the residence of the 
sovereign ended the evening. At midnight a new guest slept in the TuUeries. 

So began the reign which was to finish at Sedan.* 

napoleon's marriage 

The foreign powers which had greeted the coup d'fitat as a bulwark against 
revolution did not so highly approve the second empire; but none the less 
they had nothing to do but accord it recognition. The three eastern powers 
were the slowest; and, as in the case of Louis Philippe, the czar Nicholas 
could not brmg himself to grant the usual title "brother," but called him 
" good friend." Like his uncle in the case of his second marriage, the parvenu 
emperor sought a bride among the ancient royal families; but the eastern 
powers managed to foil his suit for the princess Charlotte of Vasa.* He 
thereupon married the beautiful Spanish woman Eugenie Montijo, duchess of 
Teba, January 30th, 1853. On March 16th, 1856, she bore him an heir, 
Prince Napoleon Eugene.? 


After the coup d'etat, Louis Napoleon had already restored titles of 
honour, and he now endeavoured to surround himself by the most illustrious 
nobles of France. The nobihty of the first empire were naturally the chief 
ornaments of his court: but the old legitimist and Orleanist nobles generally 
held themselves aloof from the Bonapartist circle, and affected the more 
select society of their own friends in the faubourgs St. Germain and St. 
Honors. But if the old nobility were absent from the TuUeries, there was 
no lack of aspirants for new honours and distinctions. Military dukedoms, 
and other titles of nobility, were created, as in the first empire. Plebeian 
names were dignified by the ennobling prefix, so much cherished in French 
society; and the Legion of Honour was lavished with such profusion that to 
be without its too familiar red ribbon was, at length, accounted a mark of 

A court so constituted could not represent the highest refinement of 
French society. It was gay, luxurious, pleasure-seeking, and extravagant; 

[' The Hohenzollerns also received bis advances discouragingly. The Spanish beauty he 
took for queen was not of royal blood. The legitimist nobility, as a rule, kept away from court 
and regarded the usurper and his circle with scorn.] 


[1854r-1856 A.D.] 

but adventurers, speculators, and persons of doubtful repute were in too 
much favour to win for it the moral respect of France or of Europe. Nor 
did it gain lustre from the intellect of the age. Men of letters were generally 
faithful to the fallen monarchies or to the republic, and were not to be won 
over by the patronage of the empire. They had been cruelly scourged by 
Louis Napoleon, and neither the principles of his rule nor the character of 
his associates attracted the intellectual classes. Material force, wealth, and 
splendour were the idols of his court, and the poet and the philosopher were 
ill at ease in such a company. 

The empire was now firmly established, and Louis Napoleon wielded a 
power as great as that of any former king or emperor. But he ruled by a 
different title, and upon other principles of government. His empire, founded 
upon the sovereignty of the people, was a strange development of democracy. 
He had been chosen by universal suffrage, yet he wielded a power all but 
absolute and irresponsible. He ruled by the voice of the people, but he for- 
bade the expression of their sentiments in the press or at public meetings. 
The chamber of deputies was elected, like himself, by the whole people. An 
assembly so popular in its origin ought to have been a check upon the will 
of the emperor; but it did not hesitate to accept his policy and approve his 
acts. Enjoying a freedom of discussion unknown beyond its walls, it was 
able to give expression to public opinion; but it never aspired to independence. 
Yet the democracy of France was not ignored; the emperor was sensitively 
alive to the national sentiments, which he was always striving to propitiate: 
he never forgot the democratic origin and basis of his throne. Political lib- 
erties were repressed; but public opinion, so far as it could be divined with- 
out free discussion, was deferred to and respected. 

To satisfy this public opinion, and to win the support of various senti- 
ments, interests, and parties, the policy of the emperor assumed many forms. 
He had proclaimed the empire as peace: but, to gratify the susceptibilities 
of Frenchmen, he afterwards declared that not a gim should be fired in 
Europe without the consent of the Tuileries; and he desired to revive the 
military glories of France, to restore his influence in the councils of Europe, 
and to gratify the army, to whom he mainly owed his crown. Hence his 
forwardness in bringing about the Crimean War."* 

THE CRIMEAN WAR (1854-1856) 

Since the treaties of 1815 Russia had exercised a threatening preponder- 
ance over Europe. The czar Nicholas had become the personification of a 
formidable system of compression and conquest. He had never forgiven the 
dynasty of July for having owed its existence to a rebellion; in Germany he 
had upheld the sovereigns in their resistance to the wishes of the peoples. 
He had done his utmost to denationalise Poland, his possession of which 
had been recognised by the treaties of 1815 on condition that he should 
assure to it a constitutional government. Dumfoimded for a moment by 
the revolution of 1848, the czar had soon returned to his ambition. After 
having saved Austria by crushing the Hungarians who had revolted against 
her, he had thought that the presence of a Napoleon on the throne of France 
guaranteed to Russia the alliance of the English, and he had believed that 
the moment was come to seize the perpetual object of Muscovite covetous- 
ness — Constantinople. On every opportunity he affected a protectorate 
over the Christian subjects of the Turkish Empire: he ended by trying to 
come to a secret understanding with England for the partition of the spoil 
H, w.— VOL. xm. K 


[1853-1856 A.D.] 

of the Sick Man (the sultan). In 1853 he occupied the Danubian princi- 
palities and anned what seemed a formidable fleet at Sebastopol. 

The emperor Napoleon gave the first signal of resistance by boldly send- 
ing the French Mediterranean fleet to Salamis to have it within reach of 
Constantinople and the Black Sea. He won over England, at first hesitating, 
to his alliance, and assured himself of the neutrality of Austria and Prussia. 
Hostilities opened with the destruction by the Russians of a Turkish flotilla 
at Sinope. The Anglo-French fleet entered the Black Sea, whilst an army- 
despatched from the ports of Great Britain and France assembled imder the 
walls of Constantinople. The 14th of September, 1854, the army of the allies, 
seventy thousand strong, debarked on the Crimean coasts, and the victory 
of Alma allowed the commencement of the siege of Sebastopol, a formidable 
fortress whose annihilation was necessary in order to protect Constantinople 
against a sudden attack. 

This siege, one of the most terrible in the annals of modem history, lasted 
for more than a year.^ Generals Canrobert and P61issier successively com- 
manded the French troops. Continual fighting, two victories, those of Inker- 
man and the Tchernaya, earned for the French soldiers less glory than their 
dauntless courage against a terrible climate and an enemy who ceaselessly 
renewed his ranks. At last, on the 8th of September, 1855, after miracles 
of constancy, French dash and English solidity had their reward. The tower 
of the Malakoff was carried and the town taken. The emperor Nicholas had 
died a few months before. 

In the Baltic the Anglo-French fleet had destroyed Bomarsund, the ad- 
vanced bulwark of Russia against Sweden, and in the Black Sea the French 
iron-plated gunboats, now used for the first time, had compelled the fortress 
of Kinburn to surrender, thus opening southern Russia. Aii allied squadron 
had even taken Petropavlovsk on the Pacific Ocean. Finally French diplo- 
macy had induced the king of Sweden and the king of Sardinia to enter the 
league against Russia, and was perhaps on the point of winning over the 
emperor of Austria. The czar Alexander II, successor of Nicholas, demanded 
peace; it was concluded at Paris, March 30th, 1856, under the eyes of the 
emperor of the French.*^ 


The congress of Paris (March-April, 1856) was composed of two plenipo- 
tentiaries from each of the six powers — France, England, Russia, Turkey, 
Austria, and Sardinia — under the presidency of the French plenipotentiaries. 
Prussia was invited to take part afterwards. 

The congress began by regulating the Eastern question. (1) The integrity 
of the Ottoman Empire was guaranteed by the powers; the sultan promised 
reforms and the powers renounced all intervention in the internal affairs of 
the empire. (2) The Danube was declared free for navigation. (3) The 
Black Sea was recognised as neutral; no state might have arsenals or war 
ships in it, with the exception of small ships. (4) Moldavia and Wallachia 
became autonomous. 

After having signed the peace the congress regulated the question of mari- 
time law by four decisions which were incorporated in international European 
law: (1) Privateering is abolished. (2) All hostile merchandise sailmgimder 
a neutral flag is neutral. (3) All neutral merchandise under a hostile flag 

[' Fuller accounts of this siege, as of the whole war, will be found in the histories of Eng- 
land and of Russia.] 


[1856-1858 1..D.] 

is neutral. (4) A blockade cannot be established by a simple declaration — 
it is not valid unless it is effective. 

Cavour, representing Sardinia, succeeded in bringing up the Italian ques- 
tion in the congress, by coming to an understanding with the representatives 
of France and England. They spoke of the evacuation of the Piraeus by 
French troops (which was still a discussion of the oriental question), and 
a propos of the occupation of the Pirseus they spoke of the occupation (which 
still continued) of Tuscany by the Austrians. England demanded that it 
should come to an end; Austria refused to discuss it. But Cavour profited 
by the occasion to describe the lamentable condition of Italy. 

The congress of Paris had been a personal success for Napoleon and his 
policy. Not only had he made France re-enter the European concert, but 
for the first time he had caused a European congress to be held on French 
territory and under her presidency. He had obtained the autonomy of the 
Rumanian nation and had posed the national question of Italy, making 
the instrument which had been created by Metternich against the nations 
to serve the cause of nationalities. He remained under this impression, and 
his policy was directed towards bringing together a new congress to alter 
the status quo of Europe and to abolish the treaties of 1815, but he never 
succeeded in his attempt. 

The congress of Paris changed Napoleon's position in Europe. The 
sovereigns, seeing him solid at home and powerful abroad, drew closer to him. 
The example was set by the princes of the Coburg family. Ernest of Coburg- 
Gotha was the first to pay him a visit (March, 1854) ; then came Leopold, king 
of the Belgians; then the king of Portugal; finally Prince Albert, husband of 
Queen Victoria, consented to see Napoleon (September, 1854). Napoleon and 
the empress went to England (April, 1855) ; Victoria and Albert returned 
their visit (it was the first time since 1422 that a king of England had come 
to Paris). The example of the Coburgs decided Victor Emmanuel, who had 
refused till then. After the congress, the rulers of Wiirtemberg, Bavaria, 
and Tuscany arrived (1856-57). 

Napoleon wished to profit by these relations to adopt an active policy. 
He tried to win over the king of Prussia, who refused to be won; he spoke at 
the English court of revising the treaties of 1815, but was coldly received 
(August, 1857). He then approached Russia in an interview at Stuttgart 
■with the czar, in 1857. In 1858 France and Russia acted together to main- 
tain Rumanian imity, against Turkey, Austria, and England; in Servia they 
together sustained the Obrenovitch dynasty against Austria. 

Cavour, who was determined on war with Austria, declared publicly in 
the chamber that the principles of Vienna were irreconcilable with those of 
Turin. Austria replied that the emperor would continue to make use of his 
Tight" of intervention (May, 1856). She ended by breaking off diplomatic 
relations with Sardinia (March, 1857). 

But Napoleon still hesitated.'^ 


During the session of 1856 the baptism of the prince imperial, who had 
been born (March 16th) during the congress of Paris, was celebrated with 
great pomp at Notre Dame. The godfather was Pius IX, represented by a 
Roman cardinal. This intimate bond with the pope was to involve the policy 
of the empire on grave occasions. The powers of the legislative body elected 
in 1852, if they can be called powers, expired in 1857. It goes without saying 


[1857-1858 A.D.] 

that the official candidature was worked by the prefects in every possible 
way. Billault, the minister of the interior, declared in a circular that "the 
government considered it just and politic to present for re-election the mem- 
bers of an assembly which had so well seconded the emperor and served the 
country." He was willing to admit that in face of these conditions "openly 
avowed and resolutely sustained," others might be brought forward. "If, 
however," he added, "the enemies of the public peace should find in this 
latitude an occasion for a serious protest against our institutions; if they 
try to make it an instrument of trouble and scandal, you know your duty. 
Monsieur le pr^fet, and justice will also know how to execute its duty with 

The prefects went further than the minister. One of them simply wrote 
to the officials of his department: "Impose silence on opponents if any are 
met with." Another was going so far as to interdict the publication and 
posting of circulars and declarations of opinion on the part of non-official 
candidates. The prefects set their newspapers violently not only against the 
enemies of the government, but against those of its friends who might permit 
themselves to dispute the ground with the official candidates. In presence 
of this attitude of the government agents the peasants said simply: "Why 
should we trouble ourselves to nominate deputies?" The government might 
as well nominate them itseK. The opposition had assuredly no chance of 
depriving the government of its majority. It might attempt protests and 
obtain some partial success. There were eager debates between the repub- 
licans concerning the course to pursue. 

The elections took place the 20th of June. Of the eight deputies of Paris 
the opposition gained five — Camot, Goudchaux, Cavaignac, OUivier, and 
Darimon; two republicans were nominated at Lyons and at Bordeaux. The 
struggle became almost impossible in the departments; meanwhile, in the 
large cities, a strong minority, sometimes even a majority, had declared 
itself in favour of the opposition. 

The Chambers reopened on the 28th of November. Of the five repubhcan 
deputies of Paris, one, Cavaignac, had died; two refused the oath, Carnot 
and Goudchaux; OUivier and Darimon took it. The session of 1857 to 1858 
seemed destined to be uneventful, when a tragic incident suddenly disturbed 
everjrthing and added gravity to the situation. 


The evening of the 14th of January, 1858, at the moment of the arrival 
of the emperor and empress at the opera, three explosions were heard. Three 
bombs had been thrown at the emperor's carriage. Cries of grief and horror 
resounded on all sides. The bursting of the projectiles had injured ntore 
than one hundred and forty persons, some of whom were mortally wounded. 
The carriage of the emperor was broken and one of the horses killed. A 
terrible anxiety filled the opera house as the royal pair entered their box; 
both had escaped injury. 

The police arrested four Italians. It was seen immediately that three of 
them were but instruments; the fourth, Orsini, was remarkable in every 
way. His father had perished in 1831 in the insurrection against the pope 
m which Napoleon III and his elder brother had taken part. The son since 
his childhood had taken part in all the national Italian conspiracies. 

In its form the attempt on Napoleon III recalled that of Fieschi under 
Louis Philippe; but in reality there was a wide gulf between the Corsican 


[1858 A.D.] 

bandit of 1835 and the Roman conspirator of 1858. In spite of the horror 
of a crime which took aim at its object across so many indifferent and un- 
known victims, Orsini inspired in all those who saw and heard him during 
his trial an interest which it was impossible to withstand. This man had 
been actuated solely by an impersonal passion; he was under the spell of a 
misdirected patriotism. He had chosen as his counsel Jules Favre, who de- 
fended him as he wished to be defended, by endeavouring to save, not his 
head, but his memory as far as it could be saved. A profound impression 
was made on the audience when Jules Favre, by permission of the emperor, 
read aloud a letter addressed to the latter by Orsini. The criminal did not 
ask mercy for himself; he asked freedom for his unhappy country, "the 
constant object of all his affections." He did not go so far as to demand 
that the blood of Frenchmen should be shed for the Italians, but only that 
France should interdict the support of Austria by Germany — "in the strug- 
gles which are perhaps soon to begin. I adjure your majesty," he wrote, 
"to restore to Italy the independence which her children lost in 1849 by the 
fault of the French themselves (by the war of Rome). Let not your majesty 
repulse the last wish of a patriot on the steps of the scaffold!" 

Orsini and his accomplices were condemned to death on the 26th of 
February. Orsini thanked the emperor for having authorised the publica- 
tion of his letter. His second letter was not less moving than the first. He 
formally condemned political assassination and disavowed "the fatal aber- 
ration of mind" which had led him to prepare his crime. He exhorted his 
compatriots to employ only their abnegation, their devotion, their union, 
their virtue to deliver their country. He himself offered his blood in expia- 
tion to the victims of the 14th of January. The question of the commutation 
of the penalty was energetically agitated by those about the emperor. Na- 
poleon would have judged such mercy politic if so many victims had not been 
struck by the instrimients of death intended for his own person. Orsini was 
executed on the 14th of March, with one of his accomplices. He died without 
display as without weakness, crying, " Vive I'ltalie! Vive la France!" 

His death was. soon to bring forth happy results to Italy. Before that 
his crime had had deplorable ones for France. In 1801 the first consul had 
made the affair of the infernal machine prepared by some royalists a pretext 
for proscribing a host of republicans. Napoleon III imitated and surpassed 
his uncle. 

THE "new terror" OF 1858 

At the reopening of the chambers, a few days after the attempt of the 
opera (14th of January), the emperor delivered a speech which began with 
a splendid picture of the public prosperity. He called on the legislative body 
not to permit the renewal of "the scandal" of the refusals of the oath by 
elected candidates, and to vote a law which should oblige all those eligible 
for election to take the oath to the constitution before standing for election. 
Finally he appealed to the assembly of the representatives of the country to 
"find means to silence factious opposition." The meaning of this threat was 
soon made known. On the 1st of February a bill was presented to the legis- 
lative body; it punished with an imprisonment of from two to five years and 
a fine of from five hundred to ten thousand francs, whoever should have pub- 
licly incited to the crimes mentioned in articles 86 and 87 of the penal code 
(sedition, insurrection, etc.) when that provocation had not resulted in action. 
It punished with an imprisonment of one month to two years and a fine of 


[1858 A.D.] 

from one hundred to two thousand francs whoever should have niancEuvred 
or entered into negotiations either at home or abroad with the object of dis- 
turbing the pubhc peace. Every person sentenced for one of the above 
misdemeanours or for certain others also mentioned in the bill, including the 
detention of arms, seditious assemblies, etc., should as a measure for the. gen- 
eral safety be incarcerated in France or Algeria or expelled from French ter- 
ritory. This same measure for the general safety could be applied to any 
person who had been either condemned, incarcerated, expelled, or trans- 
ported on the occasion of the events of May and June, 1848; of June, 1849; 
or December, 1851, and whom "grave facts should again mark as dangerous 
to the public safety." 

This was to deliver a multitude of citizens to the most lawlessly arbi- 
trary treatment; the wide field covered by the categories and the vagueness 
of the definitions made anything possible. A man might be deported for 
having a musket in his possession! 

The government was perfectly aware that the republican party had noth- 
ing to do with the isolated crime of Orsini; but this calumny had seemed 
necessary to serve as a motive for what was to follow. !]&mile OUivier made 
his d^but as a political orator in contesting this bill. A few conservatives 
joined him, alarmed to see that a return to the 2nd of December was being 
made in a time of complete public tranquillity. Many deputies voted with 
reluctance and with a sense of shame; there were 227 voices for the law: 
twenty-four had the courage to vote against it. When the law was brought 
before the senate, whose mission it was to examine whether the laws adopted 
by the legislative body were conformable to the constitution, there was but 
a single vote against this so-called "Law of Suspects"; it was that of Greneral 
MacMahon. History should give him credit for it. 

The law was monstrous, its execution was worse. The new terror of 
1858 did not echo so far as that of the 2nd of December; as no one resisted 
or could resist there were no fusillades, no massacres; but the absence of all 
struggle and of all peril to the persecutors rendered the persecution so much 
the more revolting. This time it was no longer, as on the 2nd of December, 
triumphant conspirators striking in fury at fallen adversaries to prevent 
them from rising; it was an absolute power which, in order to produce an. 
effect of intimidation and to discourage a few attempts at legal opposition, 
proscribed in cold blood hundreds of victims, not for their acts but for their 
opinions. Even before the law had been presented to the legislative body, 
citizens had been carried into exile. 

Immediately after the despatch of his circular the new minister of the 
interior "and of the general safety," as he styled himself, had sent for all 
the prefects to Paris. He received each by himself. He had in his hand a 
list in which the departments were inscribed with figures opposite their names. 
"You are prefect of such a department," he said: "so many arrests." "But 
who is to be arrested?" questioned the prefect. "Whoever you like! I 
have given you the number; the rest is your affair." 

That so many high functionaries should have consented to make them- 
selves the executors of such instructions is perhaps the most shameful fact 
in eighty years of revolutions. Besides some political adversaries who were 
still capable of and disposed to action, the government caused to be torn from 
their families and their professions a host of republicans who, while retaining 
their own opinions, sought only to court oblivion and had taken refuge in 
their work and in silence. When one was not to be found another was taken 
at haphazard; Espinasse and his delegates had to make up their number. A, 


[1858-1859 A.D.] 

special attack was directed against a select number of active bourgeoisie: 
merchants, lawyers, doctors, notaries were mingled with honest and indus- 
trious working men; the old, the sick, mothers of families, were dragged to 
prison and thence to exile. The agents forced their way into houses, like 
nocturnal malefactors, carried off the appointed victims without allowing them 
time to provide themselves with money and clothing or to bid farewell to 
their families, and threw them into prison vans which did not stop tiU they 
reached the port of embarkation. Of about two thousand persons arrested 
more than 420 were transported to Africa. Arrived there the exiles received 
some miserable subsidies, scarcely sufficient to prevent them from dying of 
hunger until they could procure the means of subsistence; then those who 
did not find work were left to the care of such of their companions as were a 
little less unfortunate. 

The aim of the new terror was not attained: the government had not 
succeeded in stifling the opposition, which on the contrary increased in the 
legislative body — if not in numbers at least in talents; of three seats left 
empty amongst the deputies of Paris, the Parisian electors filled two with 
republicans. Jules Favre and Ernest Picard formed, together with OUivier, 
Henon, and Darimon, that celebrated bench of the " Five " which held its own, 
for several j'^ears, against almost the whole assembly. 

In this imperialist quasi-unanimity on the part of the legislative body, 
a considerable number of the members asked no better than to put some 
reserve into their devotion, and did not regard the course of events as entirely 
for the best. In the session of 1858 the law of military exemption was brought 
up. It was proved that this law had only aggravated the burden of the ser- 
vice to the detriment of the population, and the profit of the exchequer, which 
was in reality the beneficiary of what was called the endowment of the army. 
The law, instead of being mitigated, was rendered more onerous by the inter- 
diction of substitutions except among relatives. Exemption by state inter- 
vention cost double what it had cost before; free substitution was forbidden, 
and fellow soldiers from the same canton were no longer authorised to change 
their numbers at the drawing of lots. 

As to laws of social interests, the government presented one which con- 
tained penalties against the usurpers of titles of nobihty. Napoleon III had 
restored the nobility by a decree which declared it one of the institutions of 
the state. The parodists of the past were still more ridiculous in 1858 than 
in 1814, when the ultras at least were the natural heirs of the old regime. 
Most of those who voted the law were ashamed of it; a small number took 
these things with a grotesque seriousness.^ 


As Russia was pressing on Turkey, so Austria was pressing on Italy. She 
had played an equivocal part during the Crimean War, whilst the kingdom 
of Sardinia, the only independent and constitutional state in Italy, had not 
feared to join her young army to the Anglo-French troops. This circum- 
stance had made France the natural protectress of Piedmont, and by conse- 
quence of Italy, of which this little kingdom was the last citadel. Thus when 
the emperor of Austria, Francis Joseph, in defiance of European diplomacy, 
passed the Ticino as the emperor Nicholas had passed the Pruth, France 
once more found herself face to face with this new aggressor and on the side 
of the oppressed. 

In this war the emperor Napoleon resumed the secular poUcy of France, 


[1859 i..D.] 

which consists in not suffering the preponderance of Austria or Germany in 
Italy— that is to say, on the French southeastern frontier. A French army 
reappeared on that soil where three centuries before the arms of France had 
left so many glorious traces. Europe looked on with keen attention; Eng- 
land as a well-wisher, Russia and Prussia amazed. Austria and France were 
left alone facing each other. The war lasted scarcely two months. 

After the brilliant affair of Montebello, which defeated an attempted 
surprise on the part of the Austrians, the Franco-Piedmontese army concen- 
trated round Alessandria; then by a bold and 
skilful movement turned the right of the Aus- 
trians, who had already passed the Ticino, and 
compelled them to recross that river. Caught 
between the army corps of General MacMahon 
and the guard at Magenta, the Austrians lost 
7,000 killed or wounded and 8,000 prisoners 
(Jime 4th). Two days later the French regi- 
ments entered Milan. 

The enemy, astounded at so rude a shock, 
abandoned his first line of defence, where, how- 
ever, he had long been accumulating powerful 
means of action and resistance. He retired on 
the Adda, after vainly making a momentary 
stand at the already famous town of Marignano 
and on the Mincio, behind the illustrious plains 
of Castighone and between the two fortresses of 
Peschiera and Mantua; then he took up his posi- 
tion, backed by the great city of Verona as an 
impregnable base. The emperor of Austria, 
with a new general and considerable reinforce- 
ments, had arrived there to await the French 

The Austrians had long studied this battle- 
field; there were 160,000 of them ranged on the 
heights with their centre at the village and 
tower of Solferino, and ready to descend on the 
French in the plain. Napoleon III had scarcely 
140,000 men available, and was obliged to fight 
on a line extending over five leagues. Whilst 
the right whig was struggling against the enemy 
An OFnoEB OF infantbv in the plain in order to prevent itself from 

being turned, and King Victor Emmanuel with 
his Piedmontese was bravely resisting on the left, the centre delivered a vigor- 
ous attack, and after a heroic struggle successively carried Mount Fenile, the 
mount of the cypresses, and finally the village of Solferino. The enemy's 
line was broken; his reserves, before they could come into action, were reached 
by the balls from the new rifled cannon of the French. All fled in frightful 
confusion; but a fearful storm, accompanied by hail and torrents of rain, 
stopped the victors and permitted the Austrians to recross the Mincio; they 
left twenty-five thousand men put out of action. In the evening the emperor 
Napoleon took up his headquarters in the very room which Francis Joseph 
had occupied in the morning (June 24th) . Twice a conqueror, the emperor 
suddenly offered peace to his enemy. Italy was freed, although a portion of 
Italian territory, namely Venetia, still remained in the hands of Austria. 


5. I 

o (? 

K § 









[I860 A.D.] » 

Europe, bewildered by these rapid victories, allowed her awakening jeal- 
ousy to appear. The emperor thought he had done enough for Italy by push- 
ing Austria, so recently established on the banks of the Ticino, back behind 
the Mincio, and at Villafranca he signed with Francis Joseph a peace, the 
principal conditions of which were confirmed at the end of the year by 
the Treaty of Zurich. By this peace Austria resigned Lombardy, which 
France added to Piedmont that she might make for herself a faithful ally 
beyond the Alps. The Mincio became the boundary of Austria in the penin- 
sula, where the various states were to form a great confederation under the 
presidency of the pope. But all those concerned rejected this plan, and the 
revolutionary movement continued. The emperor confined himself to pre- 
venting Austria from intervening. Then those governments of Parma, 
Modena, the Roman legations, Tuscany and Naples, which ever since 1814 
had been merely lieutenants of Austria, were seen to fall to pieces successively, 
and Italy, minus Venice and Rome, was about to form a single kingdom, 
when the emperor thought himself called upon to take a precaution necessary 
to the security of France; he claimed the price of the assistance he had given 
and by the Treaty of Turin, March 24th, 1860, obtained the cession to himself 
of Savoy and the coimty of Nice (Nizza), which added three departments 
to France and carried her southern frontier to the summit of the Alps. 

For the first time since 1815 France, not by force and surprise but as the 
result of a great service rendered to a friendly nation, by pacific agreement, 
and according to the solemn vote of the inhabitants, had overstepped the 
limits traced round her at the period of her reverses. Europe dared not 


Europe can no longer isolate herself from the other continents; with the 
progress of civilisation, commerce, and the general relations of the peoples, 
it is the duty of France, the second of the maritime nations, to carry her eyes 
or her hand beyond the seas wherever her honour or her interests may be 
engaged. It is the first time that, with or without the support of England 
and often under her jealous surveillance, she has done so with so much inde- 
pendence and firmness. 

In 1860 the massacre of the Christian Maronites by the Druses of SjTia 
demonstrated anew the Ottoman Empire's powerlessness to protect its sub- 
jects, and excited the mterested complaints of Russia. France, which was 
the first to move, had the honour of being charged by the great powers to 
send and maintain a body of troops in Syria to aid the Turkish government in 
punishing the guilty parties. The following year a diplomatic conference, 
assembled at Constantinople, regulated the government of Lebanon in such 
a manner as to avoid the return of these deplorable catastrophes. This 
apparition of the French flag in the East was not without utility in the pursuit 
of a great enterprise begun by M. de Lesseps imder the auspices of the French 
government, namely the establishment at the isthmus of Suez of a canal 
which was to join the Mediterranean with the Red Sea, and put Europe in 
direct communication with the Far East. 

The same year, at the other extremity of Asia, France and England had 
been obliged to direct an expedition against China, who had violated the 
conditions of a treaty previously made with her. In less than six months 
the allied fleets had transported fifteen thousand men and the whole of an 
immense equipment a distance of six thousand leagues from the French 


[1860-1863 A.D.] 

coast, to the shores of the Peiho. The emperor of China sent seventy thou- 
sand men to meet those whom he called barbarians. This army and the 
forts accumulated on the road to Pekin did not stand before the small Euro- 
pean force commanded by General Cousin-Montauban. The mouths of the 
river were forced, and the forts which defended thein carried by an energetic 
and brilliant attack, after which the allies marched resolutely on Pekin. The 
Chinese court tried to deceive them by feigned negotiations, to which some 
of the envoys fell victims, and to surprise the troops which won the battle of 
Palikao. The city of Pekin, being laid open to attack, was bombarded; 
the summer palace had already been taken and given up to pillage. Prince 
Kong, the emperor's brother, made up his mind to treat seriously (October 
25th, 1860). The allied armies entered Pekin to receive the ratifications of 
the treaty, in virtue of which the Chinese government pledged itself to admit 
English and French ambassadors to the capital, paid an indemnity of 120,- 
000,000 francs, opened the port of Tientsin, guaranteed advantageous com- 
mercial conditions to the conquerors, and restored to France the churches 
and cemeteries belonging to the Christians. The Celestial Empire was opened 
and, by way of consequence, the empire of Japan also, which, having in 1858 
made treaties of commerce with the prhicipal European states, was disposed 
by dread of a similar lesson to observe them better. 

The French government took advantage of its strength in these regions 
to complete the expedition against the empire of Annam in Cochin China, an 
expedition begun two years before in concert with the Spaniards. It was 
impossible to obtain from this government security for French missionary 
and commercial relations. France had resolved to form a settlement at the 
mouths of the great river Mekong, and had taken possession of Saigon in 
order to make it the capital. But the French lived there in continual dis- 
quiet. Vice-Admiral Charner, who had returned from China with his troops, 
defeated the Annamites in the plains of Ki-Hoa and seized Mytho. Admiral 
Bonnard in his turn took Bien-Hoa and imposed on the emperor Tu-Duc a 
peace signed in 1863 which stipulated respect for missionaries, an advantageous 
treaty of commerce, and the possession of three provinces at the mouths of 
the Mekong, in a wonderfully fertile country between India and China, and 
within reach of the Philippines and the Moluccas. "The settlement of Sai- 
gon," an English traveller had said not long before, "might change the di- 
rection of trade and become the nucleus of an empire which perhaps might 
one day equal that of India." 

Thus France, which it had become too much the custom to regard as an 
especially continental power, was carrying her activity to all the shores of 
the ocean. She was at the same time called to another end of the world. 
France, England, and Spain had long had injuries to avenge and claims to 
vindicate against the anarchical government of Mexico. At the beginning of 
the year 1862 the three powers came to an understanding to act in common, 
as the French had done in China with the English, in Cochin China with the 
Spaniards. The expedition was already on the way to be carried into effect 
when the cabinets of London and Madrid, in consequence of misunderstand- 
ings, renounced the enterprise. France, left alone, persisted in avenging the 
common injuries, A check having called in question the honour of the flag, 
the mistake was committed of declaring that France would not treat with the 
president Juarez; so that the French were condemned either to import a 
foreign government into the country or to conquer its immense solitudes. 
Instead of the six thousand men who had first started, it was necessary 
to send as many as thirty-five thousand soldiers. Puebla made a heroic re- 


[1863-1867 A.D.] 

Bistance; but the keys of Mexico were there and the army took them (May 
18th, 1863). A few days later (June 10th) it entered Mexico, and the popula- 
tion, prompted by France, proclaimed as emperor an Austrian prince, the 
archduke Maximilian. After the departure of the French troops in 1867 
[owing to the forcible protest of the United States '] the unfortunate prince 
was taken and shot by the republicans after the mockery of a trial. This 
imprudent and ill-conceived expedition was a grave check to French politics 

and finance.'^ 



The Crimean and the Italian wars having been carried out to a triumphant 
issue, the French had come to regard themselves as the foremost nation in 
Europe. But from the middle of the '60's Napoleon's fortune had begun to 
turn. During the American Civil War he had embarked, as we have seen, 
on the adventurous undertaking in Mexico, where he attempted to establish 
an empire, dependent upon himself, under Maximilian, the unfortunate 
brother of Emperor Francis Joseph ; but after wasting immense sums of 
money and thousands of human lives, he was compelled to evacuate that 
country, and the bloody ghost of Maximilian, who was deserted by Napo- 
leon's army and executed by the republicans, stood forth as the accuser of 
his guilty ambition. 

In France itself the voice of the republicans rose ever higher against 
Bonaparte, while the victories of the Prussians over the Austrians [at Sadowa 
or Koniggratz, July 3rd, 1866, and elsewhere], as unexpected as they were 
overwhelming, weakened his position in Europe. Napoleon had hoped that 
Prussia would be defeated, or that a civil war of long duration would be 
started in Germany; in either case he had hoped to intervene as a peace- 
maker, taking as the reward of his labours certain Rhenish and Belgian 
districts, and bemg enabled, in addition, to play the role of protector over 
Germany and arbiter of the destinies of Europe. But it was fated otherwise; 
Prussia acquired a military reputation almost rivalling that of the first 
Napoleon, and Germany stood forth, not weak and disrupted, but more 
firmly united and stronger than ever before. And though Napoleon him- 
self was far too prudent to venture on a military demonstration against the 
successes of Prussia, yet the French nation, and especially the French army, 
could not tolerate that another people should excel it in the honours of war, 
while statesmen of the type of Thiers upbraided Napoleon for permitting the 
union of North Germany. "Revenge for Sadowa!" became the general cry. 
The French government made demands for " compensation" to France in the 
shape of cessions of German frontier territory, but these were rejected by 
Prussia. Under these circumstances the latter country had to be prepared 
every moment for an attack.^ 


The reputation of Napoleon III was perhaps at its height at the end of 
the first ten years of his reign. His victories over Russia and Austria had 
flattered the military pride of France; the flowing tide of commercial pros- 
perity bore witness, as it seemed, to the blessings of a government at once 
firm and enlightened; the reconstniction of Paris dazzled a generation 

[' For fuller accounts of this affair, see iu later volumes tlie histories of the United States 
and Mexico.] 


[1863-1867 A.-D.] 

accustomed to the mean and dingy aspect of London and other capitals before 
1850, and scarcely conscious of the presence or absence of real beauty and 
dignity where it saw spaciousness and brilliance. The political faults of 
Napoleon, the shiftiness and incoherence of his designs, his want of grasp on 
reality, his absolute personal nullity as an administrator, were known to some 
few, but they had not been displayed to the world at large. He had done 
some great things, he had conspicuously failed in nothing. Had his reign 
ended before 1863, he would probably have left behind him in popular 
memory the name of a great ruler. 

But from this time his fortune paled. The repulse of his intervention on 
behalf of Poland in 1863 by the Russian court, his petulant or miscalculating 
inaction during the Danish war of the following year, showed those to be 
mistaken who had imagined that the emperor must always exercise a con- 
trolling power in Europe. During the events which formed the first stage 
in the consolidation of Germany, his policy was a succession of errors. Simul- 
taneously with the miscarriage of his European schemes, the enterprise which 
he had undertaken beyond the Atlantic, and which seriously weakened his 
resources at a time when concentrated strength alone could tell on European 
affairs, ended in tragedy and disgrace. 

From this time, though the outward splendour of the empire was undi- 
minished, there remained scarcely anything of the personal prestige which 
Napoleon had once enjoyed in so rich a measure. He was no longer in the 
eyes of Europe or of his own coimtry the profound, self-contained statesman 
in whose brain lay the secret of coming events; he was rather the gambler 
whom fortune was preparing to desert, the usurper trembling for the future 
of his dynasty and his crown. Premature old age and a harassing bodily 
ailment began to incapacitate him for personal exertion. He sought to loosen 
the reins in which his despotism held France, and to make a compromise 
with public opinion which was now declaring against him. And although 
his own cooler judgment set little store by any addition of frontier-strips of 
alien territory to France, and he would probably have been best pleased to 
pass the remainder of his reign in undisturbed inaction, he deemed it necessary, 
after failure in Mexico had become inevitable, to seek some satisfaction in 
Europe for the injured pride of his country. He entered into negotiations 
with the king of Holland for the cession of Luxemburg, and had gained his 
assent, when rumours of the transaction reached the North German press, 
and the project passed from out the control of diplomatists and became an 
affair of rival nations.? 


Luxemburg was a small province the western portion of which had be- 
longed to Belgium since the revolution of 1830, whilst the eastern portion 
formed a grand duchy belonging to the king of Holland. Napoleon HI 
wished to buy the grand duchy, which had no natural tie with Holland 
and was of a certain importance to France on account of the town of 
Luxemburg, which had been strongly fortified by Vauban; this fortress 
would have protected a part of the French frontier. The grand duchy had 
been annexed to the German confederation by the treaties of 1815, and was 
gaiTisoned by Prussia in the name of the confederation. Prussia, having 
violated the treaties and split up the confederation in her war with Austria, 
had no longer any right to occupy Luxemburg. There had seemed no doubt 



before the war as to the handing over to France of this stronghold; the fortress 
had already been evacuated by the Prussians. Neither after the war had 
Bismarck changed his tone in the matter. After having evaded the signing 
of the treaty about Belgium, he had promised to oppose the inclusion of Luxem- 
burg in the northern confederation; he had advised the French government 
to treat with the king of Holland withoiit including Prussia, and to excite 
in the grand duchy manifestations which might be taken as indicating the 
people's desire to become French. He also reconmiended them to put the 
matter through before the parliament of the new confederation met. It is 
possible that on this occasion he may have been sincere. 

The goyermnent did not even understand how to profit by this advice 
and act quickly. Bismarck's advice was given at the beginning of September; 
it was not imtil the early days of February, 1867, that Napoleon's govern- 
ment sounded the Dutch government as to a contingent cession of the grand 
duchy. They demanded from the king, WiUiam III, a total abandonment 
of his sovereign rights, in consideration of a stun of several millions; then a 
vote was taken among the populations. The propaganda of the French 
agents was very well received in Luxemburg; the inhabitants, albeit the 
majority were German-speaking, inclining to France rather than to Germany. 
The idea of a double treaty was advanced as a start. The one would guaran- 
tee to Holland Limburg, which, like Luxemburg, had been united to the 
German confederation, and which Holland dreaded to have claimed by 
Germany; a defensive alliance with France would thus be assured to Holland. 
The other treaty would cede Luxemburg to tl'e French. 

Had there not followed so much delay the French would have been taken 
at their word. But there was general hesitation. The royal family was 
divided as to the policy of an alliance. Doubts were entertained as to the 
emperor's health and the future of his djoiasty. Then, too, great uneasi- 
ness was felt at the seemingly equivocal attitude of Prussia, who continually 
increased the strength of her armaments. Bismarck at Berlin, and Goltz, 
the ambassador at Paris, reiterated their advice for prompt and direct treat- 
ing between France and Holland. It is true that Bismarck did not bind him- 
self by any direct promise, and his king still less; however, the king of Prussia 
had the appearance of also allowing France to make her own arrangements 
■with the king of Holland. But the attitude of the press, the army, and the 
Prussian diplomats, beyond the Rhine, became more and more spiteful and 
provoking towards France at this time. 

It was while all this was going on that the stormy sittings of the legislative 
body took place, and the publication of the secret treaties between Prussia 
and South Germany. This alarmed the king of Holland. He proposed that 
the question of the ceding of Luxemburg should be submitted to the powers 
that had signed the treaty of 1839, and had definitely settled the dispute 
between France and Belgium. Therefore the French government tried to 
obtain the direct consent of the king of Prussia to the cession, but did not 
succeed. The Prussian government maintained its attitude of reserve; but 
the new parliament of northern Germany, that is to say the Prussian majority 
"which dominated it, did not show the same reserve. This majority showed 
itself most violent and arrogant towards the representatives of Frankfort 
and the other annexed countries, for the strongest reasons very hostile to 
France. Imperative questions had been framed as to whether Luxemburg 
and Linaburg were to remain united to Germany. 

The king of Holland, on his side, put the question to the king of Prussia. 
To him, as to France, an equivocal answer was given. However, the reply 


[1867 A.D.] 

was interpreted in the sense that haste must be made to bring the matter to 
a conclusion. Finally the king of Holland acceded to the proposals made 
by France and signified the same to the emperor by his son, the prince of 
Orange, on the 30th of March. The two acts of guarantee and of cession were 
on the point of being signed, when the Dutch minister, Van Zuylen, detected 
an irregularity and demanded that the signature should be postponed till the 

morrow. . , . n ^-j t i 

In Paris the decisive despatch was awaited m all confidence, in place 
of the representative of the king of Holland, it was Herr von der Goltz,the 
Prussian ambassador, who presented himself at the house of the French 
foreign minister. He had hurried to Moustier to urge him to break off all 
negotiations, because the transaction, as he pretended to have foreseen, was, , 
he said, presenting the worst possible aspect to Germany. As a fact Goltz 
had always represented the transaction to Paris as assured, and had not 
ceased and to the end did not cease to play a double game. In Pans, he was 
the friend of France and on an intimate footing at the Tuileries, attentively 
listened to, and, above all, an attentive listener, surprismg the badly kept 
secrets of the court; in his correspondence with Berlin, he was the enemy of 
France and in connivance with the war party. 

Indignant and astonished, Moustier replied that he came too late, that 
the French had been decoyed mto a trap, but that they would not draw back. 
There is every evidence that the "irregularity" which had delayed the sign- 
ing of the double treaty was not an accidental one, and that Prussia had 
checked the king of Holland by promising on behalf of Germany to renounce 
all claims over Limburg on condition of Luxemburg not being ceded to 

During this time Bismarck was addressing recriminations to the French 
ambassador, Benedetti, in which, according to his usual practice, he inverted 
their respective roles. It is easy to perceive that if the negotiations had been 
more rapidly opened and concluded he would have claimed his share of credit 
in them. But he was now pressed between the equally warlike Prussian 
military party on the one side and the parliament of the northern confedera- 
tion on the other, and, knowing that Germany was ready and that France 
was not, he asked nothing better than to involve France in a quarrel. 

On the 1st of April, Bennigsen, leader of the national liberal party, which 
had become the devoted instrument of Bismarck, revived the questions ad- 
dressed to this minister on the subject of Luxemburg, and demanded war in 
preference to allowing "a prince of a German race (the king of Holland) to 
traffic in a country of German origin and s3Tnpathies." These pretended 
German sympathies were not at the moment manifesting themselves in Lux- 
emburg, except by popular demonstrations in favour of union with France — 
demonstrations which the Prussian governor of the fortress lamented bitterly. 

Bismarck's reply to Bennigsen was measured as to its form: he would not 
for the world have the air of provoking the French government; but, as a 
fact, he sheltered himself behind public opinion and the parliament, which 
was the mouthpiece of that opinion. The sense of his reply was, indeed, that 
Luxemburg ought not to be given either to the northern confederation or to 
France, but not, however, that it should be evacuated by Prussia. Without 
explicitly saying so, he was awaiting an opportunity to claim for Prussia a 
pretended right of garrison which he intended to extract from the convention 
of the Great Powers in 1839. He began again to protest his good intentions 
to Napoleon III; but at the same time that the minister at the Hague in- 
sisted on the signing of the treaty, and that the king of Holland seemed on 


[1867 A.D.] 

the point of acquiescing, the Prussian minister at the Hague received orders 
to announce to the Dutch government that the Prussian government would 
be driven by pubhc opinion to consider the ceding of Luxemburg as a decla- 
ration of war. 

The Prussian troops were already massing themselves on the Dutch 
frontier, with the evident intention of ignoring the Belgian neutrality. Hol- 
land thereupon drew back, and did not sign the treaties. It was a humili- 
ating check for Napoleon III, crowning the series of diplomatic defeats 
which began on the morrow of Sadowa. 

The minister for foreign affairs did not sit still under the blow. Moustier 
was a judicious and skilful diplomatist who merited association with a differ- 
ent government. He made great efforts to palliate this reverse and to help 
France to make a dignified exit from the position into which she had been 
beguiled. Moustier knew that she was not in a position to have recourse to 
arms; though the war minister, Marshal Niel, in public uttered the contrary 
opinion, in the cabinet he was the first actively to discountenance the taking 
of the offensive. 

Since Sadowa Prussia had completely re-organised her forces, and now, 
with her northern confederation, could command close upon nine hundred 
thousand men; and this irrespective of the engagements towards her under- 
taken by the southern states. The French had not half this number at their 
disposal. Their forts were in the worst possible state; their magazines 
empty. A circular of Bismarck's, derogatory to all the diplomatic propri- 
eties, dragged the emperor personally into the matter. He pretended that 
the emperor had been forced into war in spite of himself, and represented 
Prussia as all for peace and France as only thirsting for war. Napoleon III, 
who had not moved when he might and should have moved, had been on the 
point of hurling himself into action when it was too late; but Moustier and 
Niel succeeded in preventing him from yielding to the calculated provoca- 
tions of Berlin. Moustier employed a most ingenious ruse. He maintained 
the validity of the king of Holland's pledges, but left the question of the 
cession of Luxemburg in suspense, and referred to the powers which had 
signed the treaty of 1839 the question of Prussia's pretended right to garrison. 

On April 26th Bismarck resigned himself to giving the consent demanded 
from him by the Russian ambassador to open negotiations in London, having 
the neutrality of Luxemburg as their object. Neutrality, guaranteed by the 
European powers, implied evacuation. This made the Prussian press shout 
more loudly for war. Not only Alsace and Lorraine, but Holland also, were 
now coveted, Bismarck, accused by the war party of moderation, some- 
times flung away, sometimes clung to his daily papers. He delayed by sev- 
eral days the opening of the negotiations, through his claims and acquire- 
ments as to the formalities of the conference and the secm-ities resulting from 
it. Russia intervened in this matter between Prussia and England, and the 
conference at last took place in London on May 7th. AVhile the negotiations 
were in progress Bismarck made fresh efforts to goad France into some im- 
prudent action by his aggravating conduct. 

The French minister did not however fall into the trap, and the treaty 
for the neutralisation of Luxemburg was signed on the 16th of May. Bis- 
marck executed a brusque about-face. The Prussian official organs had 
orders to alter then- tone. Napoleon, whom the evening before they had 
insulted, they now covered with flowers, and they announced the impending 
visit of King William to the Universal Exhibition. On the 14th of May, 1867, 
Moustier communicated the tieaty to the chambers. The neutrahsed grand 


[1869-1870 A.D.J 

duchy of Luxemburg remained under the sovereignty of Holland. The 
Prussian government pledged itself to evacuate the fortress, and the king- 
grand duke was to see that it was dismantled. The Prussians did effect a 
military but not a commercial evacuation of Luxemburg. The ties between 
the grand duchy and the German Zollverein were not severed.^ 


By the superiority of its army Prussia had attained the preponderance in 
Europe and was preparing the complete unity of Germany. The other great 
powers were not resigned to these two revolutions, which were a menace to 
the old European balance of power. But Austria was discouraged, England 
powerless, the czar pacific. France alone believed herself strong enough to 
stop Prussia and re-establish her own preponderance. Opinion had become 
blimtly hostUe to German imity. In Prussia the national pride, exalted by 
success, manifested itself in threats against the "hereditary enemy." But 
on both sides these belligerent sentiments were counterbalanced by the fear 
of a war which all could foresee would be terrible. 

Secret negotiations were carried on, the extent of which has been vari- 
ously estimated, but which did not accomplish any practical result. The 
occasion was the affair of the Belgian railways which had been purchased 
by the French eastern company. The Belgian government interdicted the 
sale (February, 1869) ; the French government attributed this check to Bis- 
marck. Napoleon, in irritation, proposed to Austria and Italy a triple 
alliance to stop the encroachments of Prussia and restore to Austria her 
position in Germany (March). The negotiation was conducted between the 
ambassadors. Austria accepted a defensive alliance, but reserved the right 
to remain neutral if France should be obliged to begin war (April). The 
Italians demanded the withdrawal of the French troops from Rome; they 
were satisfied with Napoleon's promise to withdraw them as soon as possible, 
but when it came to the ratification of the project, the Italian ministry 
demanded evacuation and a declaration that France recognised the principle 
of non-intervention. Negotiations were suspended, the three sovereigns 
merely promising to conclude no alliance without previous notice. Then 
Napoleon accepted a parliamentary ministry whose head, Ollivier, had de- 
clared in favour of peace and conciliation with Germany. This ministry 
took up again (January, 1870) the project of giving security to Europe by 
bringing about the disarmament of both France and Prussia; England 
agreed to transmit the proposal. France offered to diminish her military 
contingent by ten thousand men. Bismarck refused on the ground that the 
reorganisation of Prussia made any disarmament impossible.'' 


When Emile Ollivier rose to power, he brought with him men who had 
long been considered members of the opposition; the best known of these 
was Buffet. The party which had formed the imperial government was set 
aside. Everything seemed changed. The so-called liberal royalists, the 
Orleanists, rose in a body. All the staff of 1830 reappeared in the official 
salons. An attempt was going to be made to carry on the government of 
the 2nd of December by the methods of Louis Philippe. 

Suddenly a sinister piece of news was announced. Pierre Bonaparte, a 
cousin of the emperor, living at Auteuil, had challenged Henri Rochefort 


[1870 A.D.] 

to fight a duel. _ The journaUst-deputy had sent him his seconds, Ulrich de 
Fonvielle and Victor Noir; the latter, who was quite young, was a rising and 
very popular journalist. The two seconds went to the prince's house at 
Auteuil. Suddenly shots were heard, Ulrich de Fonvielle rushed out of the 
house, and the corpse of Victor Noir bathed in blood was seen lying before 
the door. Pierre Bonaparte had fired on the seconds sent by Rochefort. 
The pubhc indignation was extreme. The funeral took place on the twelfth. 
Beneath a sullen grey sky a sombre crowd of two hundred thousand persons 
passed along the streets of Neuilly, following the corpse to the cemetery, 
and returned to Paris in a long procession through the Champs Elysees, sing- 
ing the Marseillaise and led by Rochefort. The government had called out 
the troops, and a trifle would have sufficed to turn that day into one of revo- 
lution or of a terrible massacre. When 
the crowd reached the place de la Con- 
corde, where the police were drawn up, 
it dispersed on the advice of those who 
had most influence over it. 

Soon afterwards, Pierre Bonaparte, 
who was tried by a special court (the high 
court of Tours), was acquitted. The death 
of Victor Noir and the acquittal of Prince 
Pierre formed an inauspicious opening for 
the liberal empire. However, the decree 
was being prepared which was to make 
known what reforms had been made in 
the constitution in the interests of lib- 
erty. These reforms went no further 
than giving the senate and the legisla- 
tive body the right of taking the in- 
itiative in matters of legislation; fixing 
the categories whence the emperor might 
draw the new senators; regulating the 
order of succession to the throne; and de- 
ciding that any change in the constitution 

should be made by a plebiscite. To begin with, the decree itself was to be 
submitted to the vote of a plebiscite on universal suffrage. 

The nature of these reforms alienated from the liberal empire some of those 
who were inclined to support it, and led to the resignation of two ministers, 
of whom one was Buffet. Nothing seemed to them more opposed to liberty 
than the imperial plebiscites; that is, the popular vote on a question proposed 
by the emperor. The people could only say yes or no, and no meant a revo- 
lution. It was equivalent to putting the government into the hands of one 
man. So nothing was really changed and the government was stiU a personal 
government. After heated debates, in the course of which Gambetta de- 
livered what was perhaps his most eloquent speech, the plebiscite was pro- 
ceeded with. The empire, so to speak, put itself to the vote. There were 
7,500,000 affirmative against 1,500,000 negative votes. The public considered 
that the empire was firmly established, and it was destined to fall in two 
months and four days! The government had perhaps a clearer insight. To 
ask of the peace-loving people who compose the mass of the country, "Yes 
or No, do you wish to overthrow me?" is a sure way of gaining the votes of 
many people, whose support in time of peril would be more than doubtful. 
Only detf^rmined and invincible enemies will vote against you. In fact, a 

B. Wi— VOL. XUI, Ii 

Smile Ollivier 


[1870 A.D.] 

million and a half contrary votes out of a total of 9,000,000 was a large per- 
centage. It is said that the emperor was very anxious about the votes of 
the army, which had included a great many noes. 


The plebiscite had the most unexpected results — the imperial govern- 
ment determined to seek in victory the power it had lost. The idea was to 
render the dynasty strong enough to ensure to the son the inheritance of his 
father's empire. "This is my war," said the empress. So the conflict be- 
tween France and Prussia, which had been threatening Europe for four years, 
broke out. The immediate cause was as follows: There had been a revolu- 
tion in Spain, and Queen Isabella had been expelled. General Prim, how- 
ever, had no intention of establishing a republic, and soon it became known 
that the crown had been offered to a HohenzoUern, a prince of the Prussian 
royal family. This would be a most unacceptable addition to the power of 
Prussia. France protested.' Prussia gave way and the prmce renounced 
tlie crown, or rather his father renounced i+ for him. 

The whole affair seemed ended when suddenly a rumour was spread that 
the king of Prussia had grossly insulted the French ambassador, Benedetti. 
The king had refused to receive him. This was stated on the authority of 
a German paper.e Benedetti had been sent to wring from the Prussian king, 
at Ems, not only a promise that the prince should not take the Spanish crown, 
but also a positive order forbidding him to do so. This was too humiliating 
to endure, and the king refused. Benedetti was then sent to demand a per- 
sonal letter of good will to France. William, angered, refused to receive him 
at aU. An oral tradition states that the king's language was such, according 
to Seignobos,*' that no one would even dare to publish it.« 

The French ministers, fimile OUivier and Gramont, declared in the chamber 
that war was necessary. Thiers and the republicans strongly protested. In 
the midst of the tumult they repeated that France shotild have satisfaction, 
and demanded the telegram ^ in which her ambassador stated that he had been 
insulted. The majority overwhelmed them with abuse, especially Thiers, who 
persisted energetically in his protests. They called him "^migr6!" and 
"traitor!" amid scenes of incredible violence and disorder. Commissioners 
were appointed who alone were to ask and hear the necessary explana- 
tions. They returned, asserting that they had seen evidence that war was 
inevitable and declaring that the army was in a good state. It was proved 
later that they had seen nothing at all. Marshal Leboeuf, when asked, "Is 
the army ready?" replied: "There is not so much as the button of a gaiter 
wanting." The war was voted. 

Bismarck had led France to the point he wished. Thoroughly acquainted 
with the wretched state of her army, and knowing what passions and what 
interests at the Tuileries would be sure to urge on a war, he had been suf- 
ficiently artful to persuade the king of Prussia to yield to her on one point 
after another, so as to incite her government to declare war, after having, 
in the eyes of Europe, deprived her of all reasonable pretexts for such a course.^ 

' It was said that France could not tolerate the revival of the empire of Charles V. The 
Germans protested that the sovereignty was a private family affair of the Hohenzollerns. 

P It is now deiinitely known that Bismarck himself had this telegram sent, and suppressed 
certam modifying words purely for the purpose of goading France to make the first declaration 
of war.] 


[1870-1871 A.D.] 

The catastrophe of 1870 seemed to those who witnessed it to tell 
of more than the vileness of an administration ; in England, not less 
than in Germany, voices of influence spoke of the doom that had 
overtaken the depravity of a sunken nation ; of the triumph of simple 
manliness, of God-fearing virtue itself, in the victories of the German 
army. There may have been truth in this ; yet it would require a 
nice moral discernment to appraise the exact degeneracy of the French 
of 1870 from the French of 1854 who humbled Russia, or from the 
French of 1859 who triumphed at Solferino ; and it would need a very 
comprehensive acquaintance with the lower forms of human pleasure 
to judge in what degree the sinfulness of Paris exceeds the sinfulness 
of Berlin. Had the Frencn been as strict a race as the Spartans who 
fell at Thermopylae, as devout as the Tyrolese who perished at 
Sadowa, it is quite certain that, with the numbers which took the 
field against Germany in 1870, with Napoleon III at the head of affairs 
and the actual generals of 1870 in command, the armies of France 
could not have escaped destruction. 

The main cause of the disparity of France and Germany in 1870 
was in truth that Prussia had had from 1863 to 1866 a government so 
strong as to be able to force upon its subjects its own gigantic scheme 
of military organisation in defiance of the votes of parliament and of 
the national will. — Fyffe.* 

It might be asked if any nation has the right to say to another nation: 
"You shall not place such and such a person at your head because it is con- 
trary to my interests." Doubtless not, if the principles of international right 
are strictly observed. But in practice this veto has been frequently exercised 
imder the old regime and since the Revolution. It was used in 1815 against 
Napoleon and all the members of his family; in 1830 against the duke de Ne- 
mours, elected king of the Belgians by the congress. The imperial govern- 
ment was in fact justified in opposing an election that it considered dangerous 
to itself. But was this danger worth avoiding at the risk of war with Ger- 



[1870 A.D.] 

many? A serious question this, that could only be answered by casting a 
glance at the respective positions of the different European states. 

The time had gone by when France was cited as the most considerable of 
the European powers, when the vast German Confederation represented 
only inert strength and when neither Italy nor Germany existed. The past 
sixteen years had seen many changes. United Italy and Umted Germany 
now formed two states of the first rank to the east and southeast of France, 
and Austria was no longer a counterbalance to the aggrandisement of Prussia. 
These changes were enough to engage the serious attention of the imperial 
government. France— with England in the north, Prussia in the east, and 
Italy in the southeast, three not very reliable friends— had had till now noth- 
ing to fear on her southwestern frontier; for it was not probable that in case 
of war Spain would go against her. Would matters be the same after the 
realisation of Prim's plan? With a HohenzoUem on the Spanish throne 
would not France be obliged in case of war to keep a standing army of one 
hundred thousand men at the foot of the Pyrenees? This contingency 
threatened the interests of France too much for her government to neglect 
making great efforts to obtain the abandonment of the candidature of Prince 
Leopold of HohenzoUem. Doubtless Napoleon III could have attained his 
end had he simply submitted the question to the great powers in diplomatic 
form, but it was evident from the beginning of this question that the emperor 
had two ends in view : that of suppressing the candidature, and that of ob- 
taining a moral advantage over his adversary — in fact, of humiliating him. 


Was France as ready as the minister of war had said? The Situation de 
I'Empire, distributed among the deputies the 1st of November, 1869, is the 
best answer to this question. 

This document gives the effective of the army on the 1st of October as 
follows: Home troops, 350,000 men; Algiers, 64,000 men; Papal States, 5,000 
men; total, 434,000 men, from which must be deducted men absent for leave 
for various causes, about one hundred thousand of whom would reduce the 
available number to 325,000. The effective of the reserve was 212,000 in all, 
for the standing army, and the reserve 617,000 men. The mobile national 
guard, whose duty it was to defend the fortresses and the interior, included 
five classes, of which the effective amounted to 560,000 men. These added 
to the regulars and the reserves gave, on paper, a grand total of 1,200,000 
fighting men, but on the lists were a large number of non-capables. The 
mobile national guards did not know how to use a gun, and the organisation 
of the staffs was in a very primitive stage. At the beginning of the campaign, 
the emperor could only rely on the standing army and the reserve, forming 
an effective of 547,000 men, according to the Situation de I'Empire; but ac- 
cording to the war office, 642,000, from which must be deducted the 75,000 
young soldiers of the 1869 contingent who were not incorporated until the 
1st of August. 

The number of men at the immediate disposition of the government was 
567,000: 393,500 with the flags; 61,000 ex-soldiers in the reserve having on 
an average four months' drill in the barracks, but who, for the greater part, 
had not had sufficient time to familiarise themselves with the handling of 
the chassepot} The total of 393,500 men with the flag furnished by the war 

[' The chassepot was a breechloading rifle which had been recently introduced."] 


[1870 A.D.] 

office had been formally contested by Le Constitutionnel on the morning of 
the plebiscite. It was in vain that the government organ, Le Peuple Frangais, 
invoked against the assertions of its fellow journal "our admirable rules of 
accounts which do not admit of fictitious expenses figuring on the budget." 
Very little trust was placed in these imaginary rules when it was seen that 
immense sums, such as those expended for experiments in the workshops of 
Meudon, and for the construction of official resiaences for marshals at the 
centres of the great military commands, had been spent without leaving 
any trace in the budget. The government cut short the polemic between 
Le Constitutionnel and Le Peuple Frangais on this delicate question. But 
it was none the less proved, even in admitting the exactitude of the min- 
isterial statement as to the number of men with the flag, that the total number 
of forces that France could bring into the field in the first months of the war 
would not exceed 567,000, from which it was necessary to deduct 36,000 
absent from the ranks, including those undergoing punishment, those in the 
remount department, with the ambulance corps, 13,000 of the armed poHce, 
28,000 in military depots, 78,000 in garrison in the fortresses, 50,000 in Algiers 
— that is, 231,000 for the interior and Algiers. There remained 336,000 men 
to oppose the 500,000 whom Prussia could bring into the field at the beginning 
of hostilities. Nevertheless, Marshal Leboeuf continually repeated that the 
army was quite ready. This inexplicable and fatal assurance caused despair 
to those who knew the truth and who vainly did all they could to make it 

The eminent field-marshal Von Moltke d estimates the French army as not 
more than about three hundred thousand men, who intended to make surprise 
attacks on various portions of Prussia, but who were prevented by impos- 
sibUities of transportation, and compelled to fight on their own soil and in 
great disorganisation and unfitness for the field. He sets the German force 
at a total of 484,000, of which 100,000 were not for the first three weeks 
available owing to the lack of transportation facilities. Von Moltke describes 
his guiding principles as a determination to keep his forces compact and 
numerically superior wherever engaged, and to strike for the heart of France 
— Paris. 

Fuller details of the Prussian side of the war will be found in a later vol- 
ume on German history. The swift movement of the unprepared French 
troops was not permitted to upset Von Moltke's plans, nor the first minor 
French success to cause any discouragement in the great victory planned so 
long and with a scientific completeness that has since remained as the model 
for modern warfare." 


On the 20th of July, OUivier read before the legislature the declaration 
of war. The enthusiasm had already begun to abate. The majority re- 
mained silent. In the evening a large crowd of men descended to the place 
de la Bastille, crying: " Vive la paix!" A struggle occurred on the boulevard 
Borme-Nouvelle between this party and the crowd who were crying "A 
Berlin!" The police intervened and made several arrests. 

The emperor conferred the regency on the empress as in 1859 at the com- 
mencement of the war with Italy. But under what different circumstances! 
In 1859 Napoleon III had left the Tuileries in an open carriage in the midst 
of an enthusiastic, ardent crowd who greeted him with acclamations for the 
first and last time since the re-establishment of the empire. In 1870, on 
July 28th, he left St. Cloud, going round Paris without entering it, and taking 


[1870 A.D.] 

the route to Metz. He dared not at this solemn moment face the people, 
who, he pretended, had forced him into the war. He was even then out of 
the fight, in spirit as well as in body, and seemed to have a presentiment that 
he would never return.« 

Engagements between outposts and scouting parties had already begun 
on July 19th. They were particularly severe at Saarbriicken on August 2nd, 
where 1,000 men (1 battalion of fusiliers and 3 squadrons of ulans) were 
stationed under Lieutenant-Colonel von Pestel. In order to reconnoitre the 
strength of the enemy and to be able to send a telegram of victory to the 
impatient Parisians, Napoleon commanded the advance of General Frossard's 
corps and began on the 2nd of August the so-called battle of Saarbriicken 
with 30,000 men against 1,000. The latter were commanded on that day by 
General Coimt Gneisenau. Napoleon himself and his son were present during 
this engagement. Napoleon desiring to judge for himself the superiority of 
the chassepots and the effectiveness of the mitrailleuses. The French, being 
massed on the heights of Spicheren which surround the left side of the valley 
of the Saar, opened fire with 23 guns on the imfortified town and the troops 
began to advance. General Gneisenau withdrew in order, after three hours' 
resistance, to the right bank of the Saar, and went into bivouac several miles 
northwest of Saarbriicken, having placed a small force at the town of Sankt 
Johann, and at the railway station. Towards evening General Frossard 
entered Saarbriicken,^ but soon returned to the heights, not daring to 
venture pursuit. The Prussians lost in this battle, in which mainly the 
artillery took part, 4 officers and 79 men; the French, 6 officers and 80 men. 
A telegram annoimcing victory was immediately sent off to Paris, telling of 
the "baptism of fire" of the prince imperial and his wonderful calmness and 
presence of mind. Paris was insane with joy, the press adding to the general 
exultation by fantastic perorations, describing the army of the Rhine as 
already before Mainz, and greeting this "glorious military achievement as a 
sign of the beginning of a new period in history." 

The dream was soon at an end; on the 4th of August the crown prince of 
Prussia crossed the French borders and attacked Weissenburg on the little 
river Lauter. Here stood the advance-guard of MacMahon, General Abel 
Douay's division defending the town and the well-fortified Gaisberg with 11 
battalions and 4 batteries. The town was carried by combined Prussian and 
Bavarian batteries, and the Gaisberg by 16 batteries composed of Prussians 
alone. General Douay was killed. The loss on the French side was about 
1,200 dead and wounded, and 1,000 not wounded taken prisoners, among 
whom were 30 officers. What was left of the French contingent retreated 
to Worth. The Germans lost 91 officers and 1,460 men. The regiment of 
royal grenadiers alone lost 23 officers and 329 men. The greatest prize 
captured was one French cannon.^ 


On the 5th of August MacMahon occupied Worth and began to fortify 
the heights to the west of Saarbriicken as well as the villages of Froschweiler 

'The town was left in ruins; the Germans remembered this later on to justify their 
incendiarism. — Dblord." - 

• *J ^1"^^ j'"™ 1^1 ™^''*^ ^^^"^ °* ^^^^ "'^^l German victory, the Lauter line was thenceforward 
m their hands and the door of Alsace wide open. The death of the intrepid Abel Douay also 
produced a most profound impression over the wLole country.— Bohdois/ 


[1870 A.D.] 

and Elsasshausen. Here he intended to repulse the advance of the crown 
prince, which he expected about the 7th of August. In order to be able to 
do this he tried to add to his force that of General Felix Douay stationed at 
BeKort and Mulhausen, and that of General Failly stationed at Bitsch. But 
only one division of the former arrived in time; and of the other, the division 
sent to his aid arrived on the battle-field on the evening of August 6th, after 
MacMahon had-been defeated, and it could only be used in partially covering 
his retreat. This left MacMahon with only 45,000 men to oppose to the 
entire army of the crown prince.^ 

It had been the intention of the crown prince not to force the decisive 
battle before _ the 7th of August, because he could not make a concerted 
attack with his combined five corps before that time. But when on the fore- 
noon of the 6th of August the advance-guard of the fifth corps became en- 
tangled in a most violent engagement with the enemy, while a Bavarian 
corps on the right and the 11th corps rushed to the rescue, there seemed no 
alternative but to continue the battle and throw as many troops as possible 
into the menaced positions. In this manner the decisive battle of Worth 
resulted from a skirmish of scouts of the advance-guard, in which gradually 
every other corps or division except the Baden division took part. The 
battle raged most fiercely round the well-fortified village of Froschweiler 
after Worth and Elsasshausen had been taken. After this also had fallen 
and the attack of the French cuirassiers had been repulsed, MacMahon's 
army, panic-stricken, fled — part to the passes of the Vosges, part towards 
Strasburg and Bitsch. The fugitives were closely pursued on this and the 
following day. Many were the trophies of the day: 200 officers and 9,000 
men taken prisoners, 1 eagle, 4 Turco banners, 28 cannon, 5 mitrailleuses, 
23 wagons of guns and other arms, 125 other wagons, 1,193 horses, and the 
military chest containing 222,000 francs in gold. About 6,000 men were 
killed on the French side. The Germans lost 489 oflSicers and 10,153 men. 
Among the severely wounded was Lieutenant-General von Bose, commander 
of the 11th corps; while Lieutenant-General von Kirchbach, commander of 
the 5th corps, had a less serious woimd. On the battle-field where the vic- 
torious army bivouacked arose during the night the melody of the hymn, 
"Nun danket Alle Gott," sung by thousands of voices and played on hundreds 
of instruments. 

The fugitive Marshal MacMahon arrived with part of his army in Zabern 
on the morning of August 7th and marched thence to Chalons, whither also 
the corps of Generals Douay and FaiUy were drawn. A new army was to be 
formed here. Northern Alsace lay defenceless before the victorious army of 
the crown prince. The Baden division was ordered to proceed to Strasburg. 
The cavalry of that division had already taken Hagenau on the 7th of August; 
on the 8th and 9th of August the whole division was massed before the citadel 
of Strasburg and the commander. General Uhrich of Pfalzburg, asked to 
surrender. Upon his refusal a special beleaguering corps were formed, com- 
prising the Baden division, one Prussian reserve division, and the Garde- 
Landwehr division. They were placed imder the command of General Werder 
and closely surrounded the city from the 14th of August. On the 8th of 
August the crown prince withdrew with the remainder of the third army, and 
marched through the undefended passes of the Vosges. He also had the 
small neighbouring fortifications of Lichtenberg and Liitzelstein taken by the 
Wiirtemberg troops, and that of Marsal by the Bavarians; Bitsch and Pfalz- 

' According to Canonge » lie liad less than 38,000 against the crown prince's 115,000. 


[1870 A.D.J 

burg were blockaded. He entered Nancy on August 16th, where he remained 
several days awaiting definite news of events on the Saar and Moselle. 

A second victory was achieved on August 6th, at Spicheren. This battle 
was also not the result of strategic manoeuvres, but of a misunderstandmg. 
According to Moltke's plan, Frossard's corps, stationed on the heights of 
Spicheren, was to be forced to retreat by a simultaneous attack in the rear 
by the 1st and 2nd armies at Forbach and Saargemiind. Should it resist,, 
it was to be crushed by the overwhelming forces. When, in the forenoon 
of August 6th, generals Kameke and Rheinbaben of the 1st and 2nd armies 

arrived with their troops, relying on the reports 
of the scouting troops that Frossard's corps 
was retreating, they, wishing to harm the de- 
feated army as much as possible, made an 
attack, drove the enemy back to the steep, 
wooded heights of Spicheren, and saw only 
then that they had the whole of the hostile 
corps before them. As they did not hold it com- 
patible with honour to surrender the territory 
once taken and to retreat to the other bank of 
the Saar, Kameke's division had to contend for 
three hours against three divisions of the 
French, which had a strong artiUery and were 
favoured by a remarkably good position. Not 
until three o'clock did reinforcements of the 
two armies gradually arrive on the battle-field, 
after which twenty-seven thousand Germans 
fought against forty thousand French. Finally 
several battalions were successful in climbing 
the heights and even bringing twelve cannon 
with them. The determination and endurance 
of the soldiers was wonderful. The Branden- 
burg regiment of grenadiers alone lost thirty- 
five oflicers and 771 men. The battle seemed 
to centre at the summit of the heights. Sud- 
denly Gliimer's division advanced on the left 
wing and completely routed it, menacing the 
line of retreat of the enemy which now took 
place, culminating in panic in some instances. 
The corps withdrew by way of Forbach and 
Sankt Avoid or by Saargemiind towards Metz. 
Bazaine's corps, which was stationed only 
seven or eight miles from the scene of action, did the same, without coming 
to Frossard's assistance. In consequence of their imfavourable position the 
victors had greater losses than the vanquished. The Germans lost 223 oflicers 
and 4,648 men, while the French according to their own account lost 249 
officers and 3,829 men, of whom about two thousand were captured. 

The victors advanced on the 7th of August, seizing great quantities of 
provisions in Forbach, besieged Sankt Avoid, makmg incursions almost as 
far as Metz. The army of Prince Charles also marched, traversing the Rhine 
Palatinate partly by way of Saarbriicken, partly via Saargemiind, in the di- 
rection of Metz. Receiving the news of this victory, the king of Prussia left 
Mainz on August 7th, arriving in Saarbriicken on the 9th, and in Sankt Avoid 
on the 11th, and issued a proclamation to the French nation in which he 

Officer of Hussaes (French) 


[1870 A.D.] 

declared that he was carrying on war with the army of France, not with her 
citizens, whose persons and belongings should be secure as long as they them- 
selves refrained from practising hostilities against the German troops^ 


The general opinion in the circle of Marshal Bazaine and the emperor was 
that the idea of giving battle in Lorraine must be abandoned, the Moselle 
repassed as quickly as possible, MacMahon's army rallied, and Metz, reduced 
to its own forces, must stop a part of the German troops, whUe a mass of 
250,000 men must oppose the invasion either at Verdun, Chilons, or even 
nearer- to Paris. Would this plan, 
certainly a most prudent one, have 
saved France? Well-known German 
authorities are agreed in thinking it 
would have been very dangerous for 
Germany; that Moltke was much 
occupied in preventing it; that Mar- 
shal MacMahon and the general 
officers who commanded in Paris 
thought the plan good, and that in 
any case the danger of allowing the 
only French organised army to stay 
near Metz was obvious. 

In the campaign we are entering 
on, the chief problem for the French 
was to recross the Moselle imme- 
diately and rapidly overtake the 
Prussians on the Verdim and Chalons 
route; for the Germans, to hinder 
the enemy's march, to cross the Mo- 
selle to the south of Metz, and to 
occupy the approach by which Mar- 
shal Bazaine must unite his troops 
with those of Marshal MacMahon. 

Time was lost between the 11th 
and 13th discussing the possibilities 
of a battle or retreat. On the latter 
date Bazaine took definite command and decided to retreat. But, whether 
owing to physical fatigue, incapacity, or criminal indifference, he did not 
devote all his energies to hastening the passage of the Moselle and the occu- 
pation of the Verdun route. The curious incertitude of his projects, his 
mysterious attitude, give support to the belief that he had determined from 
the beginning to allow himself to be blockaded near Metz. But with what 
object? Had he even an object? ^ 

It is difficult to imderstand the extreme prudence of the armies of Stein- 
metz and Frederick Charles (nephew of the king of Prussia) after the battle 
of Spicheren. It must be supposed that this easy victory surprised the Ger- 
mans, and that at the beginning of the campaign the system of spies was 

[' Tlie French view of his conduct is that he meant to keep this army intact in order that 
afterwards, in conjunction with the Germans as his accomplices, he might secure, with a fresh 
military coup d'Stat, the imperial rule over Prance. Whatever he may have meant, the Ger- 
mans had no intention of intrusting the fortress of France to him. — Kitchik.'] 

Marshal Bazaiite 


[1870 A.D.] 

less well organised than at the end. It was only on the 13th of August that 
the grand army, with the king and Von Moltke, arrived at Hemy, on the 
route from Falkenberg to Metz, and Prince Frederick Charles had scarcely 
left Saargemiind. The advance-guard of the first army bore, on the morning 
of the 14th, towards Pange, and saw that the French army, in part at least, 
was stiU on the right bank of the Moselle. Then Von Moltke stopped the 
manoeuvres, which might have destroyed or at least annulled "the French 
army of the Rhine," as Bazaine's army was henceforth called. 

On the 14th the passage of the French army began at last; generals Goltz 
and Manteuffel attacked Castagny's division of the 3rd corps, which was still 
at Colombey. But to all appearances the combat was favoiu-able to the 
French, who attributed to themselves a victory which they called the battle 
of Borny or Pange. The Germans, however, equally considered the victory 
theirs, an assumption founded on the fact that the French army had been 
delayed crossing the river. The battle on the 14th had allowed Frederick 
Charles to hasten his march, and in the evening his advance-guard reached 
Pont-§,-Mousson — that is, the point where the second German army crossed 
the Moselle, a crossing made practicable by the incredible carelessness of the 
commander-in-chief, who had left the bridges standing. The Prussians had 
lost nearly 5,000 men; the French 3,600. 

However, the French could now continue their march without interrup- 
tion; it was not concluded till the morning of the 15th on the trunk road of 
the two Verdun routes. The staff did not know that two other roads forked 
off between Conflans and RezonviUe. So the highroad from Metz to Grave- 
lotte, between two rows of houses, was the scene of inextricable confusion; 
innumerable wagons encumbered the route and the emperor's household 
constantly interrupted the march. The uncertainty in commands had a 
very clear influence in these disastrous delays. 


Marshal Bazaine did not seem very anxious to leave Metz. All his move- 
ments were directed, greatly to the astonishment of those around him, so as 
to keep open commimications with that city, and he did not seem to consider 
it possible that the Prussians would intercept his route to Verdun. The 
retreat was not really begun again imtil the morning of the 16th of August. 

Marshal Bazaine had been warned of hostile parties towards Gorze, but 
he did not verify this, finding himself confirmed in his suspicion that the 
Prussians wanted to slip in between the French army and Metz. He 
therefore kept the imperial guard at Gravelotte, with General Bourbaki, so 
as to fortify his left, which still lay at Metz at Fort St. Quentin. The halt 
having been called, the generals De Forton and Murat of the advance-guard 
at Mars-la-Tour had prepared for breakfast, when suddenly shells fell in the 
midst of their men. The disorder caused by this surprise had a deplorable 
result; it allowed the Prussians, in spite of inferior numbers, to occupy both 
sides of the Verdun route. Then the Prussian corps, directed by Frederick 
Charles, turned back on Vionville, where Canrobert, by his energetic resist- 
ance, supported by Frossard, stayed the onslaught which gave to the Prussians 
possession of Mars-la-Tour and Tronville. But Marshal Canrobert, left to 
his own resources, was obliged to give up Vionville to the enemy. Neverthe- 
less he remained imshaken at RezonviUe. 

The centre of the French army now found itself in a very favourable 
position, aad towards three o'clock General Ladmirault succeeded in sweeping 


[1870 A.D.] 

the Verdun route between Rezonville and Vionville. But at this moment 
several of Steinmetz's fresh divisions bore down on Gravelotte — that is, on 
Bazaine's left. The attack was so sudden and unforeseen that Marshal 
Bazaine ran personal risks and was only saved by a charge of his staff. Fear- 
ing to have to support the assault of an entire army on this side, he entirely 
stopped the offensive movement on his right. 

At half past four, two fresh corps, commanded by Frederick Charles in 
person, came out from Gorze in front of Rezonville, forming an assaulting 
line of eighty thousand men. The capture of Rezonville would have ended 
the battle and would have led to the dispersion of Bazaine's army — perhaps 
its capitulation; but, after three hours of repeated attacks, the Prussians 
renounced the idea of overthrowing Canrobert and Ladmirault, and at nine 
o'clock in the evening Prince Frederick Charles ordered the firing to cease. 

The magnificent moonlight which succeeded this terrible twelve hours' 
battle shone on twenty thousand dead in a line of ten kilometres. The 
Prussians lost about ten thousand men; the French nearly as many. At 
Mars-la-Tour and at Tronville, the Germans held the road from Verdun 
to Fresnes-en-Woevre; but, in spite of the mistakes of the head of the French 
army, they had not been able to concentrate a sufficient force to render their 
advantage decisive. 


But to carry out the necessary operations, which had become so difficult. 
General Bazaine required abnegation, audacity, and energy to inspire his 
soldiers, who were fatigued by a terrible battle but ready for any sacrifice 
when supported by the moral superiority of their chief. 

The whole army was prepared to make a new move forward early on the 
17th. The fatigues of the day sufficiently explain the inactivity of the night, 
although the Prussians were taking advantage of the respite to accumulate 
forces beyond Mars-la-Tour. It was, then, a cruel disappointment for the 
soldiers to be ordered to go back to Metz. 

These positions, defended by 120,000 men of tried valour, by forts, and 
500 cannon, were excellent with regard to Metz, but of little value if it was 
intended to take the first opportunity of leaving the town in order to escape 
the blockade — which was the enemy's evident intention. The 17th was 
occupied entirely in taking up their position, and the Prussians profited by it. 
The two German armies had thrown eight corps to the north of Mars-la-Tour, 
180,000 infantry, 25,000 horses, and 700 cannon. Instead of rushing in 
pursuit of the French after the battle of the 16th, they had continued syste- 
matically and without disorder their flanking movement. 

The inaction of Marshal Bazaine allowed them to continue their march 
imtil mid-day on the 18th, and when they attacked the French positions 
from Gravelotte to Roncourt, the army of the Rhine no longer had simply to 
keep open its last issuing point, but to reopen it in the midst of an innumerable 
mass of men. Marshal Bazaine did not believe in a serious attack. All that 
day he remained at headquarters without rejoining in the battle. He would 
not admit that the Prussians could so rapidly throw on his extreme right 
sufficient forces to obstruct the Montm^dy road on the north. 

But Marshal Moltke joined the king at Ste. Marie-aux-Ch6nes and con- 
centrated all his energy on the position of St. Privat-la-Montagne, defended 
by Marshal Canrobert. There for two hours, from five to seven in' the evening, 
the marshal repulsed most furious attacks from the Germans; thrusting them 
headlong from the heights and decimating, under William's very eyes, one of 


[1870 A.i>.] 

the regiments of the Prussian guard — that of the queen — conunanding on 
foot in the foremost ranks, and forcing Moltke himself to take command of 
the Pomeranian fusiliers to prevent a panic caused by the rout of a part of 
his cavalry. But, at seven o'clock, Marshal Moltke, anxious for the conse- 
quences which the prolonged resistance of Canrobert might bring about, 
united 90,000 men at St. Privat, and by a long and winding march led the 
12th corps (Saxons) to Roncourt, northeast of the position occupied by the 
6th corps of the French; 240 cannon immediately opened a terrible fire on 
these 25,000 heroic soldiers, who, since two o'clock, had supported the prin- 
cipal fire of the enemy. As so often happened in this imhappy war, ammu- 
nition was lacking to the 6th corps; Marshal Canrobert, however, remained 
at his post, and when the Saxons appeared on the northeast to combine their 
attack with that of the Prussians, they were obliged to support a terrible 
fight before seizing St. Privat. 

Then the marshal was obliged to beat a retreat; Bazaine, informed of this, 
could not contain his astonishment. Instead of a battle of the advance- 
guard, he had sustained a complete defeat. He could hardly believe the 
reports, and gave orders to the Picard brigade of the imperial guard to go to 
the front. But it was too late. The necessary movement at last ordered 
could not prevent the Prussians from passing Axnanvillers; they had, more- 
over, lost 20,000 men; the French 18,000, of whom 2,000 were made prison- 
ers. Nothing now could hinder Marshal Moltke from interposing a circle of 
250,000 men between the only organised army of France and the rest of the 

This conclusion of the battles \mder the walls of Metz had another dis- 
astrous result — that of leaving MacMahon exposed to the crown prince's 
army, which was now free from all anxiety with regard to Bazaine./ 


The news of the battles before Metz produced great confusion in Paris. 
On the 17th of August, following the advice of General Schmitz, the emperor 
appointed as governor of Paris General Trochu, who alone could prevent 
a revolt which threatened. A new army had been forming at Chalons, of 
which MacMahon took command. Count Palikao ' wished MacMahon to join 
Bazaine, but MacMahon telegraphed the minister that he did not know where 
to find Bazaine and that he wished to remain at Chalons. The following day, 
on account of a false rumour, he suddenly left Chdlons and took the route to 

A council of war took place at Rheims in which Rouher took part and 
insisted on the relief of the army at Metz. The empress and Pahkao wished 
this; and in accordance with their desires MacMahon marched towards the 
Maas, where he would join Bazaine at Stenay if the latter could break through 
the enemy's chain. MacMahon, through delays and the failure to receive 
despatches, did not reach Stenay in time. The Germans had occupied it, 
and on the 27th and 29th engagements took place at Buganzy, Novart, and 
Voncq. The surprise of Failly at Beaumont on the 30th, and the retirement 
of Douay before the Bavarians on August 6th (causing him to be replaced by 
General Wimpffen), forced MacMahon to retreat to Sedan. On the hills about 

[' This was General Cousin-Montauban who was born in 1796 and won his title from his 
victory over the Chinese at Palikao in 1860 ; he had become prime minister as well as minister 
of war on the fall of Ollivier, August 9th, 1870, due to the failure of the army. He kept Ms 
portfolio only until September 4th, when the disaster of Sedan overthrew the Second Empire.] 



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[1870 A.D.] 

Sedan, MacMahon drew up his forces, with Lebrun commanding the right at 
BaBeilles; Douay the left at Illy and Floing; Ducrot the centre at Moncelle 
and Daigny; and Wimpffen the reserve in the Garenne forest. Against these 
the Prussians and Bavarians advanced with full confidence.'' 


Facing all ways, that is, no way, the French army was apparently pro- 
tected on the west by the opening on to the Maas which was soon to enclose 
its ruins. _ Towards MeziSres and south of this road, the road to safety, there 
was nothing, not even a handful of cavalry, to watch the way so clearly indi- 
cated towards Donchery. 

At half past six in the morning of September 1st, Marshal MacMahon, 
who had gone in the direction of La Moncelle, was severely woimded and had 
to relinquish the command. As he knew nothing of the orders given to 
General ^¥impffen, he appointed Ducrot to replace him; the latter did not 
hear of his appointment until nearly half past seven. 

The new commander-in-chief Ducrot? declares that he "had received no 
instructions whatever from the marshal." He was in entire ignorance of his 
intentions — even of whether he intended to engage in a defensive or offensive 
battle. Having to decide at the soonest possible moment, he gave immediate 
orders for the army to concentrate on the plateau, whence it would march on 
Mezieres. The retreat was to be carried out in echelon beginning from the 

Between half past eight and nine in the morning, when in fact the move- 
ment was in course of execution. General Wimpffen claimed the chief com- 
mand. Misled by the success of the 12th corps, which, nevertheless, was 
reduced to the defensive; not believing, from want of knowledge of the pre- 
ceding days, in the serious danger that the flanking movements threatened, 
he stopped the retreat on Mezieres. General Ducrot vainly emphasised the 
importance of retaining the plateau of Illy, when a question of life and death 
was at issue. He was imable to convince his interlocutor: "It is not a 
retreat we want, but a victory!" 

The new commander-in-chief recalled the 12th and 1st corps back to their 
respective positions and ordered "a vigorous forward offensive movement 
on our right." He hoped, as he afterwards said, to crush the enemy's left, 
formed of the two Bavarian corps; and then, having beaten him and driven 
him back on the Maas, to return with the 12th and 1st corps, and, with the 
whole army combined, fight the German right wing. What about the enemy's 
left wing? As a general rule, such a scheme is as a last resom-ce possible when 
on both sides the forces are equal; it ought not so much as to be dreamed of 
in face of an army flushed with victory, well led, and with a numerical 
superiority of over one hundred thousand men. 

In addition, in this particular instance, the real danger threatened from 
the north (the enemy's left), and the 7th corps in spite of a vigorous resistance 
was powerless to overcome it, more especially as the ruins of the 5th corps 
scarcely counted as a support. The clearest result of the course of action 
taken by General Wimpffen, at a moment when minutes were as precious as 
hours, was a loss of time which assured the ruin of the army by robbing it of 
all chances of escape. Anything was better than Sedan. 

The important village of Bazeilles, situated at the crossing of the Douzy and 
Sedan roads, by Balan, was destined to play an important part in the defence 
of the valley of the Givonne. Repulsed at first, the Bavarians, reinforced, 


[1870 A.D.] 

returned to the attack; from seven o'clock in the morning the battle concen- 
trated around the villa Beurmann and in the western end of the village. The 
defenders were compelled to give way little by little before superior numbers, 
and before the conflagrations started by the Bavarians. They withdrew to 
Balan; but not all retired. To the north of Bazeilles, in an isolated house 
scarcely fifty metres from the villa Beurmann, a handful of men, belonging 
mostly to the marine infantry, prolonged a hopeless resistance, and for a long 
while braved the furious assaults of the enemy, who ended by bringing up 
artillery. This glorious defence was organised by Commandant Lambert, 
supported by captains Ortus and Aubert. Ammimition being exhausted,^ 
Lambert had the doors thrown open, and with a view of saving the survivors 
offered himself to the Bavarians. Incensed at their losses, they were about 
to fall upon him, and he owed his life only to a captain who made a rampart 
of his own body. 

The defence of Bazeilles, in which the troops of the Grand-Champ division 
co-operated, cost the marine infantry alone thirty-two officers killed, of whom 
one was lieutenant-colonel and four were battalion leaders. Three officers 
were shot by the Bavarians after defending a house to the veiy last. "To- 
wards mid-day," the German account says, "Bazeilles was almost entirely in 
flames." Not content with using the torch, the Bavarians dishonoured their 
tardy victory by cruelties which they have vainly attempted to excuse.^ 

From Bazeilles the struggle extended to Balan. The 4th Bavarian divi- 
sion (2nd corps) occupied that village only after repelling a particularly stub- 
born resistance from the Carteret-Tr^court brigade, the struggle taking place 
chiefly in the park. 

From ten in the morning, Moncelle, which the French had neglected to 
defend seriously, was in the hands of the Saxons. Supported by a battery, 
which at nine o'clock included no less than ninety-six guns, they endeavoured 
to debouch from La Moncelle. The whole morning was taken up with these 
attempts, which were vigorously opposed by the Lacretelle division. The 
Saxons succeeded in taking it, and by eleven o'clock, at the moment when 
Bazeilles was falling, they had gained a permanent footing on the right bank 
of the Givonne, whose crest was quickly occupied by their artillery. An hour 
earlier Daigny had also fallen into their power. While the German artUlery 
was crushing the French batteries and the defenders of the heights, their 
infantry waited under cover; when the moment came for action it scaled the 
heights and took possession of them with insignificant loss. 

All these subordinate engagements are dominated in importance by the 
general movement of that part of the 3rd army entrusted with the envelop- 
ment of the French army. Towards seven o'clock in the morning, the fog 
having lifted, the crown prince had ascertained with certainty, from the 
point of observation he had occupied for the past hour, that the French 
appeared to project the retention of Sedan, on the east of the curve formed 
by the Maas. He issued his orders. 

The German artillery, in keeping with its principle, boldly outstripped the 
infantry. It established itself on the knoll south of St. Menges between it 

[' This Is the scene of De Neuville's famous picture, "The Last Cartridge."] 
[' It is impossible to describe or even to sketch with any precision the series of confused 
engagements in the woods of Garenne. Cannon without wheels, caissons abandoned, a flag 
whose bearer perished gloriously, hundreds of men and horses fell into the power of the enemy •, 
the forest was attacked at the same time on the north, the east, and the west. Only one French 
cannon still fired. It was taken when all its men were lost. A cloud of enemies, surging in 
from all sides, enwrapped this little wood, and all it contained were slain or taken. It was no 
more a battle ; it was a man-hunt. — Rotjsset,"'] 


[1870 A.D.] 

and Floing, opened fire, and nearer and nearer, by additional arrivals, the 
battery advanced in echelon in the direction of Fleigneux. The French were 
subsequently driven from Floing. 

Towards eleven o'clock General GaUiffet received orders from General 
Margueritte to charge, with the squadrons of chasseurs d'Afrique, the com- 
panies which, coming down from Fleigneux, had just crossed the stream 
Illy. These were momentarily checked in their advance. Towards mid- 
day the envelopment was in fuU progress. Towards eleven o'clock in the 
evening the 11th corps took Cazal; seventy-one German batteries (426 guns), 
massed m four different places, swept in every direction the plateau of Illy 
and subjected the defenders to a cruel experience. 

Not a moment was to be lost. General Ducrot had to act as commander- 
in-chief. He collected all the available artillery on the plateau, and turned 
it in the direction of Fleigneux; he replaced the Pell6 and the H^riller divi- 
sions on the heights; and lastly ordered the commandant of the division of 
cavalry reserve to charge. 

It was a question of charging in echelon towards the left, and then, after 
having overturned all that were met, to turn to the right in such a way as to 
take all the enemy's line in flank. This was at about two o'clock. At the 
moment when General Margueritte moved forward to recoimoitre the ground 
and the enemy's position, he was severely wounded. His tongue was in- 
jured, and when he arrived at the head of his division, he could only point 
with his arm to indicate the direction of the movement. Led by the gesture, 
the cavalry hurled themselves on Floing. 

Thereupon, under the shelter of the artUlery, heroic charges succeeded 
one another. These movements were carried out imder the most deplorable 
disadvantages of ground but "with remarkable vigour and entire devotion,'' 
according to the Prussian account. The first charge came to grief — another 
was inmiediately made: "The honour of the army demands it," said General 
Ducrot, and new squadrons dashed forward. But in vain. Sabred, for the 
moment dispersed, the enemy's skirmishers fell back on the second line. 
Against this, complete and supported on its wings by squares, the reiterated 
desperate efforts of the squadrons were utterly broken, and their ruins dis- 
persed in all directions. 

We may easily miderstand and repeat the exclamation, "What brave 
men!" which King WUliam made at this splendid sight. The Prussian 
account itself has said: "Although success did not result from the efforts of 
these brave squadrons, although their heroic attempts were powerless to 
thwart the catastrophe in which the French army was already irretrievably 
involved, that army is none the less entitled to look back with legitimate pride 
on the fields of Floing and Cazal, on which, during that memorable day of Sedan, 
its cavalry succumbed gloriously beneath the blows of a victorious adversary." 

These glorious charges have as an epilogue the heroic attempt with which 
the name of Commandant d'Alincourt is associated. Towards three o'clock 
in the afternoon he attempted to cut a way through the enemy's lines, with 
a squadron of the 1st regiment of cuirassiers. 'The valiant troop set out 
from the M^zieres gate and charged into the suburb of Cazal, overturning the 
German soldiers stationed there. But, the alarm once given, the Germans 
barred the road with the help of carriages and shot down the cuirassiers, 
whose noble attempt proved abortive; nearly three-quarters of them fell 
here. This is, with the exception of the vigorous attempt on Balan, the only 
real attempt which was made to pierce the circle of iron from the moment 
when it first became complete. 


[1870 A.D.] 

All that still remained flowed back under the concentric movement to- 
wards Sedan, which had already engulfed part of the army. The fire of the 
Prussian batteries was concentrated on the town, torn in all directions by 
the shells. 

At three o'clock, the emperor Napoleon III, who had remained on the 
battle-field until half past eleven, hoisted the white flag. Two hours before, 
General Wimpffen had written to him requesting him to put himself at the 
head of his troops, who would make it a point of honour to cut the way out 
for him. Still following his idea of opening a road in the direction of Carignan, 
the general, who with great trouble had gathered together five or six thou- 
sand men, led them forward and with splendid dash threw himself for the 
first time upon the Bavarians, driving them out of the village of Balan. 
Towards four o'clock he received a suggestion from the emperor to treat with 
the enemy. He declined, and at the head of two or three thousand men, 
this time accompanied by General Lebrun, he made a fresh attempt. He 
could not deploy beyond Balan and finally fell back on Sedan. The imfor- 
tunate army was done for.fl' 

In deciding to hoist a flag of truce. Napoleon III understood all the 
gravity of the responsibility he was incurring, and foresaw the accusations 
of which he would be the object. The situation appeared before his eyes in 
all its gravity, and the recollection of a glorious past arose, to augment the 
bitterness by its contrast with the present. How would it be believed that 
the army of Sebastopol and of Solferino had been obliged to lower its arms? 
How could it be understood that, enclosed within a narrow space, the more 
numerous the troops the greater the confusion, and the less possible was it 
to re-establish that order which is indispensable in battle? "The prestige to 
which the French army was rightly entitled was about to vanish all at once, 
in the presence of a calamity that has no equal; the emperor remained alone 
responsible in the eyes of the world for the misfortunes that war brought in 
' its train! ' 


At five o'clock all was ended. The emperor sent the following letter to 
the king of Prussia by one of his aides-de-camp: 

Monsieur mon frJike : 

Not having succeeded in dying in tlie midst of my troops, nothing remains for me but to 
deliver my sword into your majesty's hands. 

The king replied: 

While I regret the circumstances in -which We meet, I accept your majesty's sword and beg 
you to be so good as to name one of your officers furnished witli full powers to make terms for 
the capitulation of the army which has fought so bravely under your command. On my side, 
I have named General von Moltke for this purpose. 

Napoleon III could surrender his person — he was no longer a general; it 
was not his work to surrender the army. Another was to be entrusted with 
this mission. Wimpffen, with despair at his heart, was obliged to submit to 
it. He went over to the enemy's headquarters, to the castle of Bellevue, near 
Donchery. For three long hours Wimpffen struggled in vain to obtain some 
modification of the conditions which Moltke had fixed. This cold and in- 
flexible calculator, who had reduced war to mathematical formulas, was as 
incapable of generosity as of anger. He had decided that the entire army, 
with arms and baggage, should be prisoners. 


[1870 A.I).] 

Bismarck took part in the conference. He made one remark which has 
an historical importance — General Wimpffen*; has noted it in his book on 
Sedan: "Prussia will exact as terms of peace, not only an indemnity of four 
billion francs, but Alsace and German Lorraine. We must have a good, 
advanced strategical line." ''Demand only money," replied Wimpffen, 
you will be sure of peace with us for an indefinite period. If you take from 
us Alsace and Lorraine, you will only have truce for a time; in France, from 
old men down to children, all will learn the use of arms, and millions of soldiers 
will one day demand of you what you take from us." The speech which 
Wimpffen relates shows the mistake of 
those who have believed that Bismarck 
did not agree with the military party 
on the question of Metz and Strasburg. 
If his political genius had once hesi- 
tated, it hesitated no longer. One of 
General Ducrot's aides-de-camp, who 
was present, has quoted Bismarck's 
remark somewhat differently; but, if 
the words differ, the sense is the same. 

On September 2nd, at seven o'clock 
in the morning, Wimpffen called to- 
gether in a council of war the com- 
manders of the army corps and the gen- 
erals of division. The council recognised 
that, " face to face with the physical im- 
possibility of continuing the struggle, 
we were forced to accept the conditions 
which were imposed on us." Not only 
were they totally enveloped by forces 
which were now treble their own (220,- 
000 men against 80,000), but they had 
food only for one day. Wimpffen car- 
ried his signature to the Prussian head- 

Napoleon III had left Sedan before 
the sitting of the council of war; he 
hoped to see the king of Prussia before 
the capitulation was signed and per- 
suade William to grant some conces- 
sions; but the king avoided this inter- 
view; the emperor only encountered Bismarck, with whom he had a conversa- 
tion in a workman's small house, near Donchery. This was the conclusion of 
the Biarritz interviews! Napoleon was then sent, with an escort of cuirassiers 
of the Prussian guard, to await his conqueror in a chS,teau on the banks of 
the Maas. There he repeated to William what he had just said to Bismarck: 
that he had not desired war; that public opinion in France had forced it upon 

The shame which the defeated emperor brought on himself by excusing 
himself at the expense of France in the presence of her victorious enemy was 
the true expiation of December 2nd. No head of a state had ever shown 
such absence of dignity. The solemn contradiction which Thiers made to 
this shameful speech some months later at Bordeaux is weU known. The 
imperial captive was sent into Germany to the castle of Wilhelmshohe, near 

Napoleon III and William I 

H. TT. — ^voL. xxn. M 


[1870 A.D.] 

Cassel; it was the former residence of his uncle Jerome, during the existence 
of the short-lived kingdom of Westphalia.' Napoleon III at Wilhelmshohe 
inevitably recalls Napoleon I at Malmaison after Waterloo.^ There was one 
common feature between these two men, otherwise so dissimilar: they seemed 
far less two human souls mortally wounded in the reality of their moral life 
than two actors who had played their parts and resigned themselves to quit 
the stage.« 

The army with all its material was made prisoner of war. Nearly five 
hundred officers consented to give their parole. The others, marshals and 
generals at their head, were left to share in captivity the fate of their soldiers. 
The army awaited, in unspeakable privation, on the peninsula of Iges, so 
well named the Camp of Misery, the moment of departure. 

In round figures the French losses total thus: killed, 3,000; wounded, 
14,000; prisoners taken in battle, 21,000; prisoners by capitulation, 83,000; 
disarmed in Belgium, 3,000; total, 124,000 men. The Germans captured 
besides, one flag, two ensigns, 419 guns and mitrailleuses, 139 garrison guns, 
1,072 wagons of all descriptions, 66,000 rifles, and 6,000 horses fit for service. 
The German army lost 465 officers, of whom 189 were killed, including General 
von Gersdorff, and 8,459 men, of whom 2,832 were killed.? 


Sedan gave the final blow to the empire. Not even a push was required 
to complete its overthrow. How did the news reach Paris? Nobody knows. 
A vague rumour was spread on the afternoon of. September 3rd. In the 
evening one hundred thousand Parisians paraded the streets and went to the 
house of the governor of the city. General Trochu. The chamber held a sitting 
during the night. There could be nothing more tragic than this sitting. A 
deathly silence prevailed among those official representatives of the empire. 
Jules Favre in his voice of brass read out in the midst of this silence a propo- 
sition of forfeiture. Not a sound, not a murmur was heard. A few hours 
still remained to the empire in which some extreme measure might be tried, 
but nobody thought of such a thing. 

A compact mass of people thronged the place de la Concorde. The bridge 
was guarded and the police of the empire were using their weapons for the 
last time. The crowd, partly by its own force, partly owing to the complicity 
of the soldiers, managed to clear a passage. A few moments after, the cham- 
ber was invaded; for the fourth time the people entered the Tuileries. 

The republic was proclaimed at the H6tel-de-Ville, and also a provisional 
government under the name of "government of national defence." The 
government consisted of deputies elected in Paris: Jules Simon, Picard, 
Gambetta, Pelletan, Garnier-Pages, Cr^mieux, Arago, Glais-Bizoin, and 
Rochefort, with General Trochu as president, Thiers having refused this 
office. The senate had been forgotten, just as in 1848 the chamber of peers 
had been. It was not remembered till the next day. In the evening, in 
spite of the threatened invasion, a profound relief was felt. The boulevards 
were crowded. Improvised chariots bearing inscriptions, and groups of 
soldiers mingling with the citizens were cheered as they passed. The police 
had disappeared. One of the most festive occasions during the days that 

P September 4tli the empress Eug&ie fled from Paris and in five days landed on the coast 
of England, where she was joined by her son. They took up their residence at Chiselhurst 
near London, where Napoleon III joined them March 20th, 1871, and where he died January 
9th, 1873.] 


[1870 A.D.] 

followed was the return of the exiles. All the great men who were welcomed 
back by their country, Victor Hugo, Louis Blanc, Edgar Quinet, and Ledru- 
Rollin, came to Paris. The return of Victor Hugo was a regular triumph. 

When the empire fell, France was left unprotected. Of the two armies 
one had been captured at Sedan, and the other was shut up in Metz, whence 
it was to be delivered by treachery. The Germans thought they had nothing 
to do but to make a military excursion into France. 

They were arriving at Paris from two directions — from Soissons and from 
Chilons. They looked upon Paris as their last remaining obstacle, and did 
not believe any resistance would be offered. In 1814 and 1815 Paris had 
been given up after a few days' struggle. They could not believe that the 
capital would endure the horrors of a siege. It was said to be provisioned 
for one month only, and in 1814 and 1815 the possession of Paris had meant 
the possession of France. Thus the war seemed finished; but it was really 
only begun. 


The government took up its quarters in ,the capital, resolved to sustain 
the siege. It had sent away only its two oldest members, Cremieux and 
Glais-Bizoin, who had gone to Tours. In Paris they were hastUy preparing 
the defence of the ramparts and the forts, which had been left by the empire 
in a very inefficient state. The national guard was consolidated and pro- 
vided with guns. An attempt was made to reorganise the troops which were 
returning; General Vinoy's corps, which had reached Sedan too late and had 
made a rapid retreat, some sailors, some of the mobiles, and soldiers from 
here, there, and everjrwhere were to form the Parisian army. Trochu was 
commander-in-chief and had under him General Ducrot, who had escaped 
after Sedan, Vinoy, and at the head of the artillery General Fr^bault, who 
had presented to the navy some fine cannon which were now to be of great 
service in the defence of Paris. 

Preparations were hardly completed when the enemy arrived. On the 
heights of Chdtillon, which was a valuable position for Paris, the Germans 
found no opposition except from some troops who were already demoralised, 
being, so to speak, composed of the tail-end of defeated regiments. A panic 
ensued and the Germans gained possession of the heights, which enabled them 
to bombard Paris. 

But a change was near. Paris was determined to make a defence. First 
Jules Favre went to Ferrieres to find out what conditions Germany meant 
to propose. Bismarck wanted some of the French provinces, and Jules 
Favre replied: "Not an inch of our territory, nor a single stone of our for- 
tresses!" Paris during the siege was a noble spectacle. The city of light 
laughter and sparkling merriment, the centre of elegance and fashion, had 
been transformed into a military stronghold. One thought occupied all 
minds, one passion possessed all hearts, the whole town had but one soul — 
and that was filled with the noble enthusiasm of patriotism.'^ 

Indefatigable zeal was displayed by the various authorities — the ministry 
of commerce, the prefecture of the Seine, which was in the hands of a member 
of the government, Jules Ferry, the mayoralty of Paris, the mayoralties of 
the arrondissements; but these complicated wheels within wheels hindered 
each other, their functions not being clearly determined. 

From September 26th a central victualling committee regulated and com- 
bined these various operations, and rendered valuable services. The gov- 


[1870 A.D.] 

emment of. national defence succeeded in adding to the resources already- 
obtained more than four hundred thousand hundredweights of flour, which 
represented provisions for two months. 

It was not sufficient to have corn; it must be ground. After surmounting 
enormous difficulties, the trade of miller was successfully organised in Paris. 
All trades connected with food were established in the great city as well as 
all those concerned with warfare. 

Was this the case with the military organisation? It must first be ad- 
mitted that there, more than in any other department, the difficulties were 
appalling. There were crowds of men, there were no real soldiers, or scarcely 
any; too few arms, and few good arms; the new chassepot rifles, already 
insufficient in number by half, had been stored in quantities at Metz and 
Strasburg, and there were not enough in Paris. As for the fortifications, 
since Palikao had become minister and the defence committee had been 
formed, to which Thiers had been elected, they had worked feverishly to 
repair, as far as possible, the negligence of the imperial government. Muni- 
tions had been stored; the enceinte of Paris and the forts had been put into 
good condition; from the various ports more than two hundred immense 
naval guns had been brought to supply the bastions of Paris, together with a 
picked set of seamen set at liberty by the disarmament of the fleet, which 
had been unable to make an effort in the Baltic for want of troops to land; 
there were nearly fourteen thousand brave sailors, commanded by half a 
dozen vice-admirals and rear-admirals. This was the strongest element of 
defence, and the general officers of the naval army were charged with the 
defence of the greater number of the divisions of the fortifications — the 
secteurs, as they were called. 

On the 9th, the 13th corps entered Paris, led back from M^zieres by Gen- 
eral Vinoy. The 14th corps, which was being formed, was placed by Trochu 
under command of General Ducrot, who had escaped from the hands of the 
Prussians. On September 13th there were 60,000 soldiers of the line, the 
greater number of them raw recruits, 110,000 mobiles, 360,000 national 
guards. This last number was purely nominal, the greater number of these 
guards being neither in uniform nor armed, and many not even capable of 
bearing arms. They finally succeeded in arming 250,000. A large mmiber 
of the mobiles also were neither equipped nor armed.« 

The appearance of the town was curious. Guns glittered under the trees 
on the boulevards, and the sound of trumpets was everjrwhere. Theatres 
were changed into hospitals and the railway factories were busy casting can- 
non. There were no carriages and no gas; at night all was in darkness. 
Instead of the boulevards, the ramparts became the centre of Parisian life; 
here everyone, workmen and citizens alike, assembled gim in hand to guard 
the town. The inhabitants were blockaded. A few himdred yards from 
the fortifications an invisible circle of trenches enclosed the town. Commu- 
nication with the outer world was impossible, except by balloons which were 
sent out of Paris or by the carrier pigeons which retiu-ned there pursued by 
Prussian bullets. 

Provisions might fail, so the Parisians were placed on rations.* Cab 
horses furnished them with meat during the siege. As for bread, towards 
the end they wore out their teeth against a strange compound of corn, maize, 
oats, and pulverized bones. They ate anything that could be found, even 
the animals from the Zoological Gardens. Everybody endured hunger cheer- 

[' Meat was apportioned from the 1st of October at one hundred grammes to each person ; 
after the 25th at sixty ; and this on the 36th was to be reduced to fifty grammes." ] 


[1870 A.D.] 

fully. Later on cold weather set in. Winter was early that year and un- 
usually severe. People were terribly cold in the frozen trenches. 

At last bombardment brought the siege to an end. The Prussians launched 
enormous shells, larger than any that had yet been known, into the town, on to 
the monuments which are the pride of civilisation, on to the hospitals, on to 
the schools where sometimes the dead bodies of five or six children would be 
found. They fell, not on the ramparts, but in Paris. All through the night 
these huge masses of metal, whose fall meant death and destruction, were 
heard whizzing through the air. But the whole town only became the more 
enthusiastic, everyone was eager to fight, and not an angry word was heard, 
unless anyone spoke of surrender. 

The generals were not so eager as the people. Trochu did not think it 
was possible to break through the Prussian circle of trenches. The generals 
of the empire, discouraged by repeated disasters, had but little confidence 
that this improvised army composed of the remnants of different regiments 
would be able to conquer the Germans, who had beaten their organised army. 

There were a few skirmishes during the early days in order to recover the 
neighbouring villages, then an attack was made with a few soldiers near 
Garches; these were the only military incidents of the first few months. The 
moment when Trochu would resolve to act was awaited with feverish im- 
patience. He had said that he had a definite plan.'^ Among the many 
isolated instances of defence we cannot quote many. Let the following 
account be taken as a type of that unavailing resistance France made in 
many directions :« 


Paris, isolated, blockaded, suffering already, waited, listened, and asked, 
"Where is France?" When the name of Chateaudun resounded, when that 
brave resistance became known, when the echo of that gallant struggle struck 
the great, attentive, and already anxious city, then Paris in this time of 
public mourning gave vent to an almost joyful cry, and said to herself, " France 
is arising! France is hastening! France lives, for she knows how to die!" 
The little town of Ch&teaudun, which for weeks had attracted attention by 
its energy and its defensive dispositions, showed France and the world how 
a few thousand brave men could hold in check a whole army, provided they 
were willing to sacrifice their lives. The defence of Chateaudun is all the 
more admirable because it represents the heroism of the humble and miknown, 
heroism without ostentation where, from the highest to the lowest in the city, 
all did their duty. The defence of Chateaudun was entirely civilian, and the 
defenders, the national guards of Beauce, grain-sellers of peaceful mode of 
life, francs-tireurs of Paris, Nantes, and Cannes, all were simple valiant citizens. 

The news of the occupation of Orleans by the Prussians had just arrived. 
Defence, it was thought, would be madness. But the news of this peaceful 
resolution was ill received by the people who were already determined on 
resistance; and ulans having appeared not far from the railway, some work- 
men had attacked them, armed only with their tools. The enemy was ap- 
proaching. He had already reached Varize and Civey, which he had burned 
to punish the inhabitants for their resistance ; while Chateaudun was erecting 
barricades made of sharp stones, supported by hewn logs and furnished with 
fascines and sacks of earth. On October 18th, a Tuesday, the sentries at 
St. Val^rien noticed towards mid-day the enemy's approach! 

Chateaudun had for its defence but 765 francs-tireurs, and 300 of the 


ri870 A.D.] 

Dunois national guards; not a gun nor a horse-soldier. At the most twelve 
hundred men all told; and against them the entire 22nd Prussian division 
was advancing. The German documents pretend, and the official despatch 
of Blumenthal dated from Versailles affirms, that the defenders of Chateau- 
dun numbered 4,000.^ Once again it may be declared, there were not 1,200 
of thejn. The Prussian division was 12,000 strong, and had the use of 24 
pieces of artillery. 

Without takmg into consideration the artillery, whose fire was so con- 
tinued and so deadly, each Frenchman fought against ten. At nightfall, 
driven back on every side, the defenders of Chateaudun collected in the mar- 
ket-place, and, black with powder, excited by the battle, drunk with patriot- 
ism and passion, under a sky already red with conflagrations, they chanted 
the powerful verses of the Marseillaise. 

The Germans attacked again and again. The fighting was hand to hand 
and in the dark. There was stabbing and throat-cutting, and the black 
stream of Prussians rushed through the streets. Torch in hand, they already 
invaded the captured houses — pillaged, stole, and burned. The last defenders 
of Chateaudun, while retiring, fired murderous volleys from aU sides on the 
square where the Prussians swarmed; then they withdrew still fighting, whilst 
the Prussians, seeing enemies on aU sides, shot each other by mistake in the 
darkness in the streets strewn with the dead. 

Then the pillage began ;^ and horrified eyes beheld the atrocious and dis- 
graceful spectacle of troopers breaking, shattering, daubing with petroleum 
doors and walls, bm-ning, insulting, and yelling. History here records teiTible 
things. A paralysed man was burned alive in his bed by drunken soldiers. 
An old soldier was killed for having said to. some Bavarians, "That is bar- 
barous." Generals had the hotel bm-ned down in which they had dined 
gaily and toasted their bloody victory. They treated themselves to a spec- 
tacle of conflagration and devastation. These disciples of Hegel witnessed 
the sight of two hundred and twenty-five burning houses, and houses still 
inhabited ! In one cellar alone ten human beings perished, suffocated. 
Chateaudun paid dearly for its devotion to its country, but German corpses 
strewed the streets, and the ruin of France was bought with German blood. 
Thirty officers and nearly two thousand men were killed. With the Germans 
everything must be paid for. Fire was not enough, the town was requisi- 
tioned. These executioners must be clothed, fed, and sheltered — and that 
after so tmparalleled a pillage. The Dunois were decimated. They were 
ruined. Not one made the smallest complaint. All lived on in their ruined 
city, proud of their disasters, holding up their heads after having dearly 
bought the right to call themselves citizens of the little town, lowing well 
that one must pay for the right of making a living town into an eternal 

The government of Tours decreed that Chateaudun had well deserved 
the country's thanks. The name of Ch&teaudun was soon famous even in 
besieged Paris. Poets have been inspired by its sacrifice. The mayor of 
Paris, Arago, gave the name rue de Chateaudun to the rue Cardinal Fesch. 
Victor Hugo had his Chdtiments read for the benefit of the subscription for 
guns and asked in a superb letter that the first gun should be called Chateau- 
dun. Lastly the enemy himself bowed before the heroism of the defenders 
of the little town, and a historian and one who took part in this drama relates 

[' Von Moltke"* sets the number of defenders at 1,800.] 
"Von Moltke" simply says that the French soldiers retired " leaving the inhabitants to 
their fate, and these, though having ta'sen part in the struggle, were let off with a fine,"] 


[1870-1871 A.D.] 

the words of Prince Charles at Varize : " General, have those francs-tireurs 
well treated; they are soldiers from Chateaudun."o 


Gambetta, who considered more the quantity of the troops than their 
quality, was very hopeful, particularly as a simultaneous sortie out of Paris 
was planned for November 30th and December 1st. He continually urged 
General Aurelle to begin offensive operations. But 
neither the attacks on the right wing of the German 
army at Ladon on the 24th, at Beaune-la-Rolande 
on the 28th of November, nor those on the right wing 
near Lagny and Poupry on December 2nd were of 
any avail . On December 3rd Prince Frederick Charles 
assumed the offensive, and repulsed the enemy in a 
sweeping assault; continuing the fight on the 4th, he 
stormed the railroad station as well as the suburbs of 
Orleans, and at ten o'clock in the evening the grand 
duke [of Mecklenburg] entered the city, which had 
been evacuated by the French. The Germans gained 
more than twelve thousand prisoners of war, sixty 
cannon, and four gun-boats. The enemy's line of re- 
treat was along the Loire, partly up and partly down 
the stream. Gambetta, who was dissatisfied with 
the way General Aurelle had managed affairs, re- 
moved him from command and divided the army of 
the Loire into two parts, which were to operate sep- 
arately or in conjunction, according to circumstances. 
The first army of the Loire, consisting of three corps, 
was stationed at Nevers, and was commanded by 
General Bourbaki; the second, of three and one-half 
corps, at Blois, commanded by General Chanzy. 

Prince Frederick Charles sent a part of his army 
down the Loire to meet General Chanzy. Meung, 
Beaugency, Blois, and the chateau of Chambord were 
garrisoned, over seven thousand prisoners taken, and 
several guns captured. The government of delegates 
at Tours, not feeling secure any longer in that city, 
removed to Bordeaux on December 10th. General 
Chanzy retreated to Vendome and from there further 

westward to Le Mans. Prince Frederick Charles placed one corps in Vendome 
to watch any further movements on the part of General Chanzy. In the 
latter part of December he sent the remainder of his troops into quarters, 
for rest and re-equipment. On January 6th, 1871, upon orders from head- 
quarters, he broke camp with 57,000 infantry, 15,000 cavalry, and 318 cannon, 
and marched out to meet Chanzy, who had meanwhile been quiet at Le Mans 
with 100,000 men. 

Nobody knew where Bourbaki's army was, nor what were its plans — 
whether it proposed to join Chanzy at Le Mans, or to advance toward Paris 
by way of Montargis and Fontainebleau; or whether it had already gone 
eastward to the relief of Belfort. In order to be prepared for any emergency, 
the Hessian division remained in Orleans after the departure of the prince; 
Gien and Blois remained garrisoned; tJie 2nd corps under FransecKy was 

French Cuirassieb 


[1870-1871 A.D.] 

stationed at Montargis, and the 7th under Zastrow at Auxerre to the east- 
ward of this place. The march of the prince through the so-called "Perche" 
in frost, snow-storms, and thaw was most difficult. The troops advanced 
by three roads towards Le Mans, skirmishing daily, and were on the point of 
cutting off the enemy's retreat. Suddenly, on the morning of the 12th of 
January, Chanzy left Le Mans, retreated in haste towards Laval and Mayenne, 
and in the evening the Hanoverians marched into Le Mans. The prince took 
up his headquarters in the town, and sent troops in pursuit of Chanzy, some 
to Laval, some to Mayenne. The deserted camp of Conlie was occupied, 
and great quantities of suppUes were seized. The grand duke of Mecklenburg 
marched with thirteen corps via Alengon to Rouen, to give the troops of the 
German army of the north an opportunity to strike a decisive blow. Nothing 
was to be apprehended from Chanzy in the near future; he had been forced 
back into Brittany, and was not in condition to imdertake important opera- 
tions. In the interval from the 6th to the 12th of January, 18,000 of his men 
had been taken prisoners and he had lost 20 gims and 2 standards. The 
number of killed and wounded could only be conjectured. Prince Frederick 
Charles lost 180 officers and 3,470 men, killed and wounded. 

In the same manner in which the armies of relief were annihilated in the 
south and west of Paris, they were wiped out in the north. These latter were 
commanded successively by Generals Farre, Bourbaki, and Faidherbe; the 
last-named took command on December 3rd. The fortresses in the north, 
Arras, Cambray, Douai, and Valenciennes, were favourable as bases of opera- 
tion as well as places of refuge. For the moment, only one army corps was 
equipped, and with this General Farre was stationed to the south of Amiens. 
General Manteuffel with the first army was to operate against him. But he 
was obliged to leave one corps behind to maintain Metz and besiege Thion- 
ville and Montmedy; the two remaining corps, numbering 38,244 infantry 
and 4,433 cavalry, with 180 guns, had to be reduced by several detachments 
for the siege of the northern fortresses. Manteuffel left Metz on November 
7th, arrived near Compiegne on the 20th, and met the enemy at Moreuil on 
the 27th. He defeated him, took Amiens, and forced the citadel of the place 
and the smaller fortress of La Fere to capitulate. Hereupon Manteuffel 
turned toward Normandy, taking Rouen on December 5th, Dieppe on the 
9th, and destroyed several army detachments at different points of the 

Faidherbe, however, had meanwhile equipped a second army corps and 
marched southward, seizing the little fortress of Ham. Manteuffel therefore 
turned back, attacked the enemy on December 23rd at the little river Hallue 
(or near Quernieux), and forced him to retreat to Douai. The fortress of 
Peronne was obliged to capitulate on January 9th. General Bentheim, who 
remained in Normandy, had in the meantime had several skirmishes with 
detachments of the French army, numbering from fifteen thousand to twenty 
thousand men, and had forced them to retreat towards Le Havre; he had 
also stormed the chateau "Robert le Diable," and blocked the way of the 
men-of-war going up the Seine from Havre, by sinking eleven large vessels 
near Duclair. Among the sunken vessels were six English coal barges, the 
owners of which received indemnity. On January 3rd, Faidherbe, who was 
beginning operations again, attacked a division of the 18th corps at Bapaume, 
but was repulsed. The commander of the 8th corps, General Goben, was 
given command of the first army, when Manteuffel was appointed to the com- 
mand of the army of the south. For the third time Faidherbe advanced, 
being ordered by Gambetta to assist at the great attempt to break out of 


[1870-1871 A.D.] 

Paris, planned for the 19th of January, and stationed himself with between 
fifty and sixty thousand men near St. Quentin. General Goben attacked him 
on January 19th with about thirty thousand men, threw the French army out 
of all their positions after a battle of seven hours, and seized ten thousand 
prisoners and six guns. The enemy fled in wild confusion towards Cambray, 
and was for several weeks as incapable of action as the army of Chanzy. 

A third army of relief appeared in the east. After the surrender of Stras- 
"burg, General Schmeling, with a division of reserve, had forced the fortresses 
of Schlettstadt and Neu Breisach to capitulate on October 24th and Novem- 
ber 10th, while General Tresckow with another reserve division had sur- 
rounded Belfort, the southern key to Vosges, from November 3rd. These 
two divisions and a third reserve division formed later belonged to the 14th 
corps, commanded by General Werder. This latter general broke up from 
Strasburg in October with the Baden division and the division of troops of 
General von der Goltz, crossed the Vosges, reached Epinal and Vesoul, after 
daily skirmishes, defeated the troops of General Cambriels on October 22nd 
and forced them to retreat to Besangon, and sent General Beyer of Baden off 
to attack Dijon. After a fierce combat and a short bombardment this town 
was forced to capitulate. The whole of General Werder's corps took position 
at that place in November. 

Garibaldi, affected by the republican chimera, arrived in Tours on October 
9th, having been appointed commander-in-chief of the Volunteers of the 
Vosges by Gambetta. He advanced with an army of twenty thousand men 
from Autun and was beaten back on November 26th and 27th at Basques. 
In the same manner a division under General Cremer, advancing toward 
Dijon, was obliged to take flight near Muits, by a part of the Baden division 
under General Gliimer, on December 18th; while other divisions of the hostile 
army were thrown back into the fortress of Langres by General von der 
Goltz. Just then, General Werder heard that large masses of troops were 
assembling between Lyons and Besangon and that a tremendous coup against 
Belfort was contemplated. Upon this news he evacuated Dijon, and sta- 
tioned himself at Vesoul from December 30th imtil January 9th. He had 
33,278 infantry, 4,020 cavalry, and 120 field guns; this little army awaited 
the advance of General Bourbaki with about 150,000 men. Bourbaki had 
been commissioned by Gambetta to make a magnificent diversion in the 
rear of the German headquarters at Versailles, and had brought the 3rd 
army corps to Besangon in the middle of December, drawn a fourth to himself 
from Lyons, and also joined Cremer's division to his army. His plan was, 
having such an overwhelming force, to annihilate Werder's corps, relieve 
Belfort, penetrate into Alsace, interrupt the commtmication of the German 
armies with their bases of supply, and perhaps even undertake a campaign of 
revenge in South Germany. Belfort and the rear of the German beleaguering 
army were in no little danger. As soon as Moltke was apprised of the situation 
he at once, on the 6tli of January, ordered the formation of the army of the 
south, composed of the 3rd, 7th, and 14th corps (of General Werder), made 
General Manteuffel commander-in-chief, and gave him personal instructions 
at Versailles on January 10th. The 2nd and 7th corps left Montargis and 
Auxerre, and met on January 12th at Ch^tillon-sur-Seine. 

As soon as General Werder realised that Bourbaki's next aim was not 
Vesoul but Belfort, he left Vesoul, interrupted Bourbaki's advance on Jan- 
uary 9th by an attack at Villersexel, and arrived in good time at the famous 
defensive position southwest of Belfort. To strengthen this position, ten 
thousand men and thirty-seven siege-guns were taken from the besieging 


[1871 A.D.] 

army at Belfort. The line of defence was drawn from Frahier, past H^ri- 
court and Montb^liard, to Delle on the Swiss frontier, and was bounded in 
front by the river Lisaine and the swampy valley of the Allaine. Whoever 
should storm this position and seize the road to Belfort would first have to 
cut down the whole of Werder's corps; for the German troops, well recognising 
the danger menacing the fatherland, had raised the historical rallying-cry, 
"We dare not let them through, not for the world!" 

Outside conditions, not considering the fourfold greater numbers of the 
enemy's troops, were most unfavourable. The supply of provisions was small, 
the ct)ld was intense (17°), and the river Lisaine was frozen. But the sense 
of duty of the German soldiers overcame all difficulties. Bourbaki did not 
understand how to make the best use of his superior forces, and either to 
break through the centre or surround the feeble right wing cS his opponent. 
All his attacks in the three days' battle of Belfort, or Hericourt, on January 
15th, 16th, and 17th were repulsed. He was only able to take for a few 
hours the feebly garrisoned village of Chenebier; and he had to evacuate and 
begin his retreat on January 18th. He was influenced to this step by the 
news of the approach of General Manteuffel. The loss of the French in this 
battle and in the skirmishes on their retreat were 6,000 — 8,000 killed and 
wounded and 2,000 taken prisoners. General Werder lost 81 officers and 
1,847 men. On the 19th he followed the enemy, who was retreating toward 
Belfort and intended to march from there to Lyons. But unless he were 
very expeditious he would reach neither Lyons nor Belfort. 

General Manteuffel, who had taken command of the army of the south 
on January 12th, was approaching by forced marches. He marched through 
the mountain chains of the Cote d'Or, thence between the fortresses of Langres 
and Dijon, without molestation from Garibaldi, who had occupied Dijon 
with 25,000 men after Werder's evacuation. On the news of Bourbaki's 
retreat he turned towards the southeast with his two corps, 44,950 infantry, 
2,866 cavalry and 168 guns in all, in order to block the way of the enemy 
towards Lyons. He wished to force the enemy to choose between a battle 
by his demoralised troops, a surrender without battle, or a crossing of the 
Swiss frontier. On January 23rd the road to Lyons was occupied, the first 
skirmishes began; the 2nd and 7th corps crowded in from the south and west, 
that of General Werder from the north. No way remained open but to the 
east. Bourbaki tried to commit suicide on the 26th of January. 

At the same time a telegram from Gambetta arrived, superseding Bourbaki 
and putting General Clinchant in his place as commander-in-chief of the army 
of the east. But he was no less unable to realise Gambetta's projecat of march- 
ing the army southward, and was obliged to retreat to Pontarlier. He hoped 
to make use of the news of the truce of Versailles as a sheet anchor; but it was 
soon evident that it did not apply to the seat of war in the east. Thus the 
catastrophe could not be averted. On February 1st the last mountain pass 
toward the south was blocked, Pontarlier stormed, and the retreating foe 
was pursued as far as the two border fortresses of La Cluse; 90,000 men and 
11,787 horses crossed the Swiss frontier at La Verri^res, were disarmed there 
and scattered through the different cantons. During these days the Ger- 
mans took more than 15,000 prisoners and seized 2 standards, 28 cannon 
and mitrailleuses, and great numbers of wagons and weapons. 

Garibaldi meanwhile had been held in check by 6,000 men under General 
Kettler, during which battle the enemy foimd a "German flag under a heap 
of corpses. He evacuated Dijon on the night of February 1st on the report 
that stronger forces were approaching, withdrew southwards, and soon after- 


[1871 A.D.] 

wards returned to the island of Caprera. The fortress of Belfort, defended 
by Colonel Denfert-Rochereau, had so far held out, as the conditions of the 
surrounding territory were so favourable. The assault on the two forts of 
Upper and Lower Perche was a failure; it was renewed on February 8th and 
then with success. After this Belfort could not hold out much longer. In 
order, however, to obtain control of the fortress before the conclusion of the 
truce. King William consented to an extension, only on condition of the 
surrender of Belfort. On February 18th the garrison, still 12,000 men strong, 
marched out with military honours, and Belfort was taken possession of by 
Tresckow's division. Other fortresses, such as Soissons, Verdun, ThionvUle, 
Pfalzburg, and Montm^dy, had already in 1870 been forced to surrender; 
only Bitsch remained in possession of the French until March 26th. 

After the annihilation of all the armies of rehef, Paris had nothing more 
to hope for, unless the groimds for hope were in the city itself. A grand 
sortie had been planned with Gambetta for the 30th of November. General 
Ducrot, with about fifty thousand men, was to break through the eastern 
line of the beleaguering army, march to Fontainebleau, join the army of the 
Loire, and with it return to the relief of Paris. While demonstrations were 
being made at other points, Ducrot advanced towards Champigny and Brie 
on the Marne, drove back the Wiirtemberg division, of which a part repulsed 
an attack near Bonneuil and Mesly, and also an incomplete Saxon division 
out of the villages of Champigny and Brie; but he could advance no further 
on account of the stubborn resistance of the German troops. 

On December 2nd the two divisions, assisted by the 2nd army corps and a 
brigade of the 6th corps under General Fransecky, advanced and after a hot 
fight retook half of Champigny; whereupon the French evacuated the other 
half of the place and Brie, and returned with all their troops to the right bank 
of the Marne. The Wiirtembergers lost, in these two days of battle, 63 
officers and 1,557 men; the Saxons, 82 officers and 1,864 men; the Pomera- 
nians, 87 officers and 1,447 men; the loss of the French was about 10,000 men, 
among which were about 1,600 prisoners. .The sorties against Stains and 
Le Bourget on December 21st and 22nd were also repulsed. Mont Avron, 
which had very heavy guns, was abandoned by the French after a bombard- 
ment of two days, and the bombardment of the eastern forts was begun. 
On January 5th after the arrival of the siege-park the bombardment of the 
southern forts was begun; their fire was soon silenced; and on January 9th 
began the bombardment of Paris, in which the left bank of the Seine princi- 
pally suffered, although not to any great extent. 

Two facts soon became apparent: sorties of the Parisians, seeking to re- 
pulse the besiegers, broke through their lines and operated in their rear; and 
the formation of armies in the provinces, which were intended to go to the 
relief of the capital, and in conjunction with the Parisian troops, forced the 
German headquarters to raise the siege. This latter measure was particu- 
larly urged by Gambetta, who had left Paris in a balloon on October 6th for 
Tours, where an external government had been established. Here he took 
charge of the ministry of war as well as that of the interior, and finally 
usurped the dictatorship of France. He aimed to stir up the national hatred 
of the French for the Germans, and to call to the defence of their flag all the 
able-bodied men of the harassed country; he gathered large forces on the 
Loire, others to the north and west of Paris, and finally succeeded in causing 
alarm to the besiegers for the safety of their line of retreat. Thus he had 
indeed the credit of prolonging the war, but he incurred also the responsi- 
bility of its taking on a more sanguinary character and of the country's 


• [1870 A.D.] 

receiving still deeper wounds. The generals of Gambetta were not equal in 
strategy to those of Moltke, and the discipline of their soldiers was not much 
better than that of the garde mobile in Paris. 

After the capitulation of Sedan the headquarters of King William was 
fixed in Rheuns on the 5th of September; in Meaux on the 15th; in the Villa 
Ferri^res of Rothschild near Lagny on the 18th. From here he went to Ver- 
sailles on October 15th. Many important diplomatic documents and oral 
transactions date from this period. In a circular letter of September 6th, 
Favre declared that since the fall of the empire the king of Prussia could have 
no pretext for continuing the war; that the present government never de- 
sired the war with Germany, but if the king insisted, would indeed accept it, 
but would make him responsible for it; and in any case, no matter how the 
war might result, not a foot of land, not a stone of a fortress would be ceded. 

Bismarck's answer to this, in a circular letter of September 13th, was that 
since the representatives, the senate, and the press in France had in July, 
1870, almost unanimously demanded the war of conquest in Germany, it 
could not be said that France had not desired it, and that the imperial gov- 
ernment alone was responsible for it. Germany would have to expect a war 
of revenge on the part of France, even though she should demand no surrender 
of territory and no indemnity, and should be content with glory alone. For 
this reason Germany was forced to take measures for her own safety, by 
setting back somewhat her boundaries, thus making the next attack by the 
French on the heretofore defenceless south-German border more difficult. 
The neutral powers, with the exception of Russia, were in favour of France, 
and seemed to be inclined to interfere in any possible negotiations for peace, 
and to hinder any oppressive measures against France. As Thiers was at that 
time making his tour through Europe for this very purpose, Bismarck issued 
a second circtdar letter on September 16th, in which he advised the powers 
not to prolong the war by fostering in the heart of the French nation the hope 
of their intervention; for since the German nation had fought this war alone, 
it would also conclude it withojit assistance, and would submit to no inter- 
ference from any side whatever. The German governments and the German 
nation were determined that Germany should be protected against France 
by strengthened frontiers. The fortresses of Strasburg and Metz, until now 
always open to sorties against Germany, must be surrendered to Germany, 
and be for her defence henceforth. 

The Parisian government, which since the annihilation of the French 
armies had been so much in favour of peace, now wished to know under what 
conditions King William would consent to a truce. Favre demanded a meet- 
ing with Bismarck, and had several interviews with him on this subject in 
the Villa Ferrieres, on September 19th and 20th. He declared that the most 
France could consent to was to agree to pay an indemnity, but any cession of 
territory was out of the question. In order to decide this, a national assem- 
bly must be convened, which would then appoint a regular government, and 
to facilitate these measures a truce of from fourteen to twenty-one days was 
necessary; and he now asked for this favour. Bismarck replied that such a 
truce would be not at all to the military interest of Germany, and could only 
be conceded on condition of the surrender of Metz, Toul, and Bitsch. As the 
Parisian government would not consent to these conditions, negotiations were 
stopped, and Favre and other French diplomats issued new circular letters 
in which they deplored the intention of Prussia to reduce France to a power 
of the second degree. The absurdity of such an assertion — that a state of 
thirty-eight million inhabitants, or including Algeria forty-two miHion, could 


[1870 A.D.] 

by the loss of a territory containing about one and one-half millions be re- 
duced to the condition of a second-rate power — was exposed in its entire 
falsity by Bismarck in his despatch of October 1st. 

Nevertheless, a few weeks later, negotiations were once more resumed; 
Thiers, who had returned from his tour, appeared at Versailles on November 
1st as the new negotiator. Here also the first question to be discussed was 
the cessation of hostilities; and when Bismarck asked in surprise what France 
had to offer as a return for all these concessions, Thiers absurdly enough 
imagined he was very ingenious when he answered that she had nothing: and 
upon this, these negotiations also feU through. The republican government 
was, as was plainly to be seen, animated by a childish stubbornness — con- 
sumed by the idea of its own importance. In every war in which France was 
victorious, the hardest possible conditions were imposed upon the vanquished 
enemy, who was never permitted to escape territorial concessions. Even 
quite recently, in the Italian war of 1859, after the two victories of Magenta 
and Solferino, the surrender of Lombardy was demanded. That in case of 
French victory the whole left bank of the Rhine would be lost to Germany 
was disputed by no intelligent person in Europe. And yet France had the 
effrontery to demand from the same opponent from whom she had taken so 
many territories in former decades, and from whom she as victor had just 
taken her fairest provinces, that the entirety of the French frontiers should 
be respected as sacred, and that no attempt should be made to recover the 
lost provinces. Such arrogant pretensions could be answered only by new 
defeats. Humiliations must be much deeper, distress especially in Paris 
much more bitter, before France could realise that every nation, consequently 
even the French, must suffer for its sins. 

So the cannon had to speak again, and times were very lively before Paris, 
as well as at other points. Immediately, on the first day of investment, the 
19th of September, the Parisians made a sortie with forty thousand men 
against Chatillon. But they were defeated by the Prussian and Bavarian 
troops, and fled in shameful disorder. The Parisians fared no better in their 
sorties of September 30th and October 13th and 21st. Although they suc- 
ceeded in taking the thinly garrisoned village of Le Bourget north of Paris on 
October 28th, they were driven out of it again by a division of the guards on 
the 30th. Much dissatisfaction was felt in Paris on account of these constant 
defeats. The social democrats took advantage of this to overthrow the gov- 
ernment and substitute the commune. They created an uprising on October 
31st and on November 1st took possession of the Hotel-de-VUle for a few 
hours, but were soon ejected. Rochefort, who was greatly compromised, was 
obliged to retire from the government. 

The Parisians now placed all their hopes on the arrival of the armies of 
relief, and aUowed themselves a few weeks of quiet. The earliest relief was 
to come from the Loire. General de la Motterouge was stationed there with 
an army corps and was advancing from Orleans towards Paris. The first 
Bavarian corps under General von der Tann, the Wittich division of infantry, 
and two divisions of cavalry, were sent to meet him. The French were de- 
feated at Artenay and other points, on October 10th and 11th, and on the 
evening of October 11th General von der Tann entered Orleans. The Bava- 
rians held the city, the other divisions of the army took Ch^teaudun, Chartres, 
and Dreux, northwest of Orleans, and dispersed the gardes mobiles and francs- 
tireurs who were stationed there. Gambetta, in coimcil on military subjects 
with an ex-mining engineer, Freycinet, called to arms all men between the 
ages of twenty and forty, ordered the formation of five new army corps and 


[1870 A.D.] 

had them drilled in special instruction camps. He deposed General de la 
Motterouge, and made General Aurelle de Paladines commander-in-chief of 
the army of the Loire. The latter crossed the Loire with two corps and 
advanced toward the road of Paris, in order to cut off the line of retreat of 
the Bavarian general. Von der Tann, however, left Orleans at once, on the 
report of the advance of large masses of troops, and on the 9th of November 
had a stubborn fight while retreating and established himself at Tours, in 
order to block the way of the enemy. A division of infantry was sent to his 
assistance from Versailles under command of the grand duke of Mecklenburg. 
Against these forces, strengthened by three corps under Prince Frederick 
Charles, General Aurelle with his poorly equipped troops, now reduced to 
four corps, did not dare to venture an attack, much as Gambetta urged him 
to do so. He intrenched himself before Orleans, and awaited the attack. 
Thus he was lost, and the headquarters at Versailles and the besieging army 
at Paris were freed from all danger. 

In the eastern part of France, meanwhile, great successes had been attained 
[by the Prussians], important partly in themselves, partly on account of the 
possibilities of new and magnificent operations. The fortress of Toul sur- 
rendered on September 23rd, by which means the railroad between Strasburg 
and Paris was opened again. Strasburg, the ancient imperial German city, 
capitulated on September 28th. Since the bombardment of August 24th 
to 27th did not bring the commander General Uhrich to terms, a regular 
siege was begun. Everything was ready for assault and success was certain. 
The commander did not wait for this, but surrendered, and he and 451 officers 
and 17,111 men became prisoners of war. Joy in Germany was very great 
on the news that Strasburg, lost through treachery on September 30th, 1681, 
was once again German. 

The capitulation of Metz on October 29th left the beleaguering army free 
for most urgent purposes. The 2nd corps under General Fransecky marched 
off toward Paris, to strengthen the army of the crown prince of Prussia. From 
the remaining 6 corps, a first army under General Manteuffel and a second 
under Prince Frederick Charles were formed, each consisting of three corps 
and one cavalry division. Prince Frederick Charles, with 49,607 infantry, 
5,000 cavalry, and 276 guns, set out on November 2nd from Metz and on the 
14th was able to join in operations on the Loire. The troops of the grand 
duke of Mecklenburg, some divisions of which had repulsed the army of the 
west under General Keratry and occupied Dreux and Ch^teauneuf, joined the 
troops of the prince, and formed their right wing. There were about 105,275 
men and 556 guns in all, to whom the task had been appointed to force General 
Aurelle de Paladines's well-equipped army of 200,000 men out of its strong 
position, drive it over the Loire, and retake Orleans.'' 


Before descending the sorrowful road that leads to the supreme catastro- 
phes, it IS necessary to recount the fall of Metz. Metz presents a most extra- 
ordinary and revolting spectacle, a picture never before seen in history— that 
of a military chief voluntarily sterilising the powerful means of action which 
he held in his hands, embarrassing himself by tortuous combinations, falling 
into traps of his own making, and in the end delivering to the enemy without 
a struggle a large army and a large unconquered place; accomplishing his 
own ruin and the ruin of his country. It is not easy to imderstand this man 
and his actions, to discover any plan, any intention in this series of contra- 


[1870 A.D.] 

dictions, lies, and inexplicable mistakes, viewed not only from the stand- 
point of his duty but of his own interest. It would seem as though Bazaine, 
like Napoleon III, was born to ruin that which it should have been his duty 
to save. 

Wishing to stay at Metz, why did not Bazaine provision the place for a 
long sojourn? If Bazaine had strategic motives for not leaving Metz, he 
should, with the large force at his disposal, have harassed the enemy. Dur- 
ing the fifteen days which followed the battle of Noisseville, August 31st and 
September Ist,^ he took no action, either against the enemy or to provision 
the place. The criminal negligence of Bazaine produced its results. After 
neglecting all chances of breaking through the enemy's ranks, allowing Metz 
to be reduced to famine and the army to become demoralised, Bazaine sur- 
rendered. The capitulation was signed on the 27th of October.« 

The capitulation of Metz is one of the greatest blots on French history. 
It has led many almost to forget how completely uncharacteristic it was of 
French warrior type of that or any other time. It is in reaUty only a proof 
of how largely warfare is a matter of good or bad commanders. At Metz 
197,326 Prussians received the surrender of 6,000 French officers, 187,000 
men (including 20,000 sick), 56 imperial eagles, 622 field and 2,876 fixed guns, 
72 mitrailleuses, and 260,000 small arras. It is small wonder that even 
Moltke ^ credits Bazaine with some ulterior design in trying to keep from 
battle so large a force, and hints the same motive previously alluded to — 
the hope of being chosen by the Germans as king of the French. The fact 
that Bazaine was not overthrown by his own men was perhaps due to the 
utter disgust with which Napoleon III was now regarded. His was a poor 
cause to die for, and there was no other immediate object in viGVifl 


Paris had been thrilled with excitement at the news that her troops had 
by a sortie taken Bourget from the Germans, October 21st. But a few days 
afterwards three pieces of news arrived simultaneously: Metz had surrendered; 
Bourget was retaken, October 30th; and Thiers was going to negotiate. 

Paris, already very imeasy at the slow progress of operations and resolved 
to hold out to the bitter end, was enraged. On the 31st of October crowds 
of people from all parts and whole battalions of soldiers assembled in front 
of the H6tel-de-Ville, filling the square with a seething, swaying mass of 
humanity. Soon they invaded the H6tel-de-Ville; the members of the gov- 
ernment were collected in one room; they were guarded and even threatened. 

The leaders of the extreme party, Blanqui, Flourens, and Delescluze. 
formed a new government. At six o'clock in the evening the government 
of the 4th of September seemed overthrown; some of its members who were 
prisoners refused to resign. The news spread. A reaction took place. In 
the morning the calmer among the people did not act. In the evening, how- 
ever, they assembled before the H6tel-de-Ville; but this time it was to pro- 
test against the new government. Trochu had called out the army. 

[' The French had had about 100,000 men engaged out of the 120,000 who took part in the 
attempt at a sortie. The Germans opposed them, on the 31st of August, with 36,000 men, 4,800 
cavalry, and 138 guns ; on the 1st of September, with 69,000 men, 4,800 horses, and 290 guns. 
They had contrived with far inferior numbers to get the best in a defensive action, waged, it 
must be said, under the most advantageous conditions. If we put aside the conditions which 
the nature of the ground imposed, we see that in spite of the vigour of the attack everything 
failed, owing to the weakness and irresolution of the commander-in-chief : these were carried to 
such an extreme that one is justified in assuming that he had no intention of breaking through 
the investing lines, and that he did not care to engage in a big battle. — ^^Canonge.?] 


[1870-1871 A.D.J 

The palace, shut up and barricaded, was completely surrounded by soldiers, 
and bayonets were bristling as far as the eye could see. The new occupants 
began to be disheartened, but at last Ferry entered by a subterranean pas- 
sage at the head of a company of gardes mobiles. No fighting took place; 
one side promised an amnesty, the other abandoned its resistance, and they 
all left the building together. The government of the 4th of September 
made an appeal to the people to confirm their power, and this was done by 
an enormous majority." 


The torture caused by cold and hunger was terrible. The daily ration 
had to suffice; this consisted of indescribable bread, made of residues and 
bad bran, and thirty grammes of horseflesh; for the government, having in 
its guilty improvidence allowed provisions of aU kinds to be wasted at the 
beginning of the siege, was compelled, in spite of solemn promises, to resort 
to rationing. Those who possessed neither wealth, nor a gun of the national 
guard, nor a recognised state of poverty, could no longer warm nor feed 
themselves. The mortality every week reached the enormous total of three 
thousand six hundred; epidemics which had broken out in the city, almost 
from the beginning of the siege, raged more furiously every day; and small- 
pox especially, from September 18th, 1870, to February 24th, 1871, the date 
of the armistice, claimed 64,200 victims — 42,000 more than during the cor- 
responding period of 1869-1870. As for the mortality of infants, it was 
appalling, and attained in one single week, the last of the siege, the frightful 
total of two thousand five hundred! 

The Parisian women, no matter to what class of society they belonged, 
proved themselves admirable. The wealthy, whose emblazoned carriages 
remained in the coach-houses for want of horses, went on foot each day to 
the sheds in the Champs-Elys^es, or to the ambulance in the Grand Hotel, 
to take part in the clinics of N^laton, Ricord, and P6an, of all the famous 
men of the school of medicine, and to make the most nauseating and occa- 
sionally the most dangerous dressings. Others went to the scene of action in 
company with the ambulances of the society for the succour of the wounded. 
Actresses lavished their care on the wounded soldiers, nm-sed them in their 
theatres now transformed into hospitals; and all, young, old, and celebrated 
alike, played the part of sister of mercy with the same ardour which they had 
lately displayed in winning their triumphs. 

And if the devotion of fortune's favourites was praiseworthy, how much 
more admirable was the stoical courage of the women of the people, the 
bourgeoise, the workwoman, forced to wait during the icy hours of early 
dawn, in the cold, adhesive mire, lashed by the wind and rain, for a meagre 
ration of siege bread and a piece of horseflesh! How they must have suffered, 
those poor creatures, drawn up in file, benumbed with cold, crushed by the 
burden of their poor housekeeping, and torn between the cares of material 
life and the mortal anxiety which consumed them at every cannon-shot. 

Great astonishment was felt when, in the afternoon of January 5th, 
several shells were flung into the southern quarter of the city. As they 
seemed to be thrown here and there without any definite aim, it was thought 
that they were the result of ill-regulated firing, or the fault of some gunner, 
for the Parisians refused to believe that the German armies could, by an act 
worthy of Vandals, seriously intend to destroy with their shells the capital 
of the civilised world. But soon the persistence and progressive regularity 


[1871 A.D.] 

of the discharges left no room for illusion, and one was forced to yield to 
evidence. It most certainly was upon Paris that the soldiers of King William 
were levelling their cannon. 

The attempt at intimidation essayed by the foe as their last resource was 
merely useless cruelty. They even received that light ridicule which is 
always attached to great measures producing but slight results. As for 
the fall of Paris, it was not hastened by a single day. Neverthe- 
less, from January 6th, all the monuments on the left bank were bound to 
suffer more or less. The districts of St. Victor, the Jardin des Plantes, the 
Staff College, the Pantheon, the Invalides, the Library of Ste. Genevieve, the 
Luxembourg Gardens, wherein were the ambulance quarters, the Ecole 
Polytechnique, and the convent of the Sacred Heart were ploughed with 
shells, occasionally causing conflagrations which were hastily extinguished. 

By an aggravation of barbarity, the hospitals seemed to be the centre of 
the circle attacked. The lunatic asylum of Montrouge received 127 pro- 
jectiles between January 5th and 27th, the Val de Grace hospital 75, the 
Salpetriere 31. It will be seen that the bombardment was methodical; it 
cost the civil population 396 victims (of whom 107 were women, children, or 
old men), who were instantly killed. But, notwithstanding these most re- 
grettable effects, the only immediate result was a certain emigration of the 
inhabitants of the left bank to the right bank. Others "flocked in crowds 
to the bombarded districts to contemplate with curiosity the curve described 
by the shells, fragments of which were picked up and sold by urchins for five 
centimes up to five francs, according to the size." As the Germans threw 
altogether ten thousand projectiles, it may be assumed that the receipts must 
certainly have been profitable.™ 


Still the bombardment had not attained its object. Its odious and useless 
barbarity had not brought the fall of Paris one day nearer. Steel and fire 
could effect nothing; famine was the only adversary capable of conquering 
the great city. Before succumbing to it the supreme effort had to be tried, 
the battle of despair to be fought which might still save everything. Did not 
Gambetta's despatches give grounds to hope for the march of Chanzy on 
Paris and a victory by Bourbaki in the east? 

At all costs it was necessary to preserve the honour of four months of 
constancy and concord, and not to plunge into civil war in the presence of 
the enemy. The storm was rising in Paris and the blame of her misfortunes 
was laid on the military authorities. On the 5th of January one of the 
chiefs of the revolutionary party, Delescluze, mayor of the 20th arrondisse- 
ment, had endeavoured to bring the mayors to vote a violent address de- 
manding the dismissal of Trochu. 

He had not been listened to, and had resigned; but two days later a great 
sortie which had been prepared, being countermanded because the enemy had 
learned or divined the plan of attack, the agitation was extreme. The violent 
cried treason, the masses cried out at the incapacity of the commanders. 
They began vehemently to demand the supersession of the governor of Paris. 
On the 15th of January the council of government decided on a last effort 
against the Prussian lines. The next day the coimcil of war accepted this 
decision; the military chiefs yielded to the necessity, but without confidence. 
Ducrot had no longer any of the dash exhibited at Champigny. Clement 
Thomas, the commander of the national guard, declared that the regiments 
H. yr. — VOL, xm. n 


[1871 A.D.] 

of foot of the mobilised Parisians would furnish fifty thousand men. In this 
there was an ardour which the troops no longer possessed. 

Troops of the line, gardes mobiles, and mobilised national guards were 
set in motion during the 18th. It had been decided to put into action sixty- 
thousand men who would be supported by a reserve of forty thousand. The 
attack was made in the direction of Versailles. The enemy, who had been 
so greatly alarmed by a former sortie on the same side, three months before, 
had strongly fortified himself there. 

The French army had been divided into three corps under generals Vinoy, 
Bellemare, and Ducrot. The routes were few in number and were moreover 
confined at various points by barricades which left only narrow passages. 
The three generals not having concerted together on the matter of time, the 

various corps jostled one another and 
became mutually entangled in this pain- 
ful night-march. But the day began 

The cannon of the French, which 
they had at last managed to mount to 
the right of Montretout, swept the ranks 
of the assailants. They gave way; the 
summit was at last in the hands of the 
French. The fire of the enemy relaxed, 
then ceased. 

The line of the German outposts re- 
mained in the hands of the French; might 
they hope that the next day they would 
be able to force that second and formi- 
dable line against which they had flung 
themselves? The leaders thought not. 
Trochu had hurried from Mont Valerien 
to that ridge of Montretout which had 
been victoriously retained. He judged 
it useless to renew the effort and ordered 
the retreat. The Germans made no at- 
tempt to harass the retiring forces. 
It was as at Champigny, a half victory terminated by a retreat; but this 
time it was impossible to begin again. Little confident in the morning, 
Trochu was wholly discouraged by the evening. On hearing of the retreat 
Jules Favre felt with Trochu that all was lost. At most the means of ward- 
ing off starvation were only sufficient for twelve or thirteen days. It was 
calculated that it would take ten to collect new supplies. That same night 
the government received two despatches, one of which announced the un- 
fortunate issue of the battle of Le Mans; in the other, written before Chanzy's 
reverse was known at Bordeaux, Gambetta called on his colleagues in Paris 
to give battle, threatening to inform France of his sentiments on their inaction 
if they still delayed. The painful irritation of this letter testified that the 
writer felt the supreme hour was approaching. The fight he demanded had 
just been ended; the cautious general at Paris had fought like the bold general 
of Le Mans: both had failed. 

A minority of the members of the government at Paris once more stiffened 
themselves against the terrible necessity. They demanded another general 
if Trochu refused to make a new effort. The line and the garde mobile de- 
manded peace-, the national guard alone wished to fight again. Jules Favre 

Jules Favre 


[1871 A.D.] 

despatched to Gambetta a melancholy message which was to be the last of 
the siege. "Though Paris surrender, France is not lost; thanks to you, she 
is animated by a patriotic spirit which will save her; in any case we will sign 
no preliminaries of peace." 

Eventually the members of the government contrived that Trochu should 
resign the military command while binding him to remain president of the 
council. This was the greatest token of self-abnegation and devotion that 
he could give. In so doing he resigned himself to going back on his word by 
signing the capitulation. 

Vinoy succeeded m the command. His succession was inaugurated by 
an insurrection. Several persons were killed in the crowd. This was the 
first act of civil war after four months of siege. After two conferences with 
Bismarck, Jules Favre agreed to the capitulation of Paris, concluded with the 
condition that the German army should not enter Paris during the duration 
of the armistice. The convention of Paris was concluded on January 28th.« 


An armistice of three weeks was agreed to, although this did not include 
the three eastern departments in which the destruction of Bourbaki's army 
was just taking place. During this time a national assembly was to be chosen 
to decide on the question of war or peace; all the forts of Paris and the war 
supplies were handed over to the German troops; the garrisons of Paris and 
of the forts were taken prisoners and had to give up their arms, although they 
still remained in Paris and had to be supported by the town authorities. One 
division of twelve thousand men was to be kept to maintain order and the 
same exception was made in the case of the whole national guard, against 
Moltke's will and at the desire of Favre, who repented of it later. The city 
of Paris had to pay a war tax of two hundred million francs within fourteen 
days, and was allowed to provision itself. On the 29th of January the sur- 
render of the twenty-five larger and smaller forts to the German troops took 
place and the black-white-and-red flag was raised on them. 

This convention was very unwelcome to Gambetta. However, he thought 
he might use the respite of three weeks to equip new troops and hoped by 
controlling the impending elections to bring together a radical national assem- 
bly, resolved to continue the war h I'outrance. For this purpose he pub- 
lished a proscription list on the 31st of January, according to which every- 
one who had received a higher office or an official candidacy from the imperial 
government was declared ineligible. Bismarck and the Parisian government 
protested energetically against such an arbitrary act and insisted upon free 
elections. In the German headquarters it was decided to take the most 
extreme measures, and new plans of operations were already drawn up. 
Gambetta, being abandoned by the other members of the representative gov- 
ernment, resigned on February 6th. On the 8th of February elections were 
held throughout France, and on the 12th the national assembly was opened 
at Bordeaux. Thiers was chosen chief of the executive on the 17th, formed 
his ministry on the 19th, and on the 21st, accompanied by the ministers Favre 
and Picard, he went to Versailles, commissioned by the national assembly, 
to begin the peace negotiations.'' 



[1871-1906 A.D.J 

Perhaps the most general feeling throughout the civilised world 
with regard to French history in the nineteenth century is that it is a 
chaos of revolutions, one government after another being set up and 
pulled down in obedience to the fluctuating impulse of the mob. It 
may well be maintained, as against this view, that nowhere in history 
is visible a more logical and consistent operation of cause and effect, 
the whole forming a struggle to solve the problem, which indeed 
underlies all the history of popular government — how to establish an 
executive strong enough to govern, and yet not strong enough to 
abuse its power. — Gamaliel Bradford.* 

France and Paris had so long been separated that, when they again met 
face to face, they did not recognise each other. Paris could not forgive the 
provinces for not coming to her rescue, the provinces could not forgive Paris 
her perpetual revolutions and the state of nervous excitability in which she 
seemed to delight. While the provinces, crushed, requisitioned, worn out 
by the enemy, were hoping for rest which would enable their wounds to heal, 
Paris, like an Olympic circus, was re-echoing more noisily than ever to the 
sound of arms and warlike cries. It was the intermediate time between a 
government which had ceased to exist and a government which was not yet 
formed; executive bodies were hesitating, not knowing exactly whom to obey, 
not daring to come to any decision under any circumstances: dissolution 
was general and indecision permanent.^ 

That it was a costly mistake for the Germans to insist on the spectacular 
parade through so inflammable a city as Paris, is emphasised in the recent 
work of Z^vort'*; and Jules Favre« describes the earnestness with which 
Thiers pleaded with Bismarck and Von Moltke against the project. The 
Prussians insisted, however, either on keeping the city of Belfort, or on the 



tl8lCl A.D.] 

glory of the triumph in Paris. Thiers protested against the seizure of Belfort 
in the following words:'' 

" Well, then, let it be as you will, Monsieur le comte — these negotiations 
are nothing but a pretence. We may seem to deliberate, but we must pass 
under your yoke. We demand of you a city which is absolutely French: you 
refuse it: that amoimts to confessing that you are resolved on a war of ex- 
termination against us. Carry it into effect: ravage our provinces, bum our 
houses, slaughter the inoffensive inhabitants — in a word, finish your work. 
We will fight you to the last gasp. We may succumb; at least we shall not 
be dishonoured!" 

Herr von Bismarck seemed disturbed, says Favre. The emotion of Thiers 
had won him over. He answered that he understood what he must be suffer- 
ing, and that he should be happy to be able to make a concession, if the king 

It is an unlooked-for spectacle — a Bismarck almost melted and a Moltke 
almost sentimental, preferring a barren honour, the entry of their troops into 
Paris, to the possession of a French town, and succeeding in making their 
master share their point of view. We also see for ourselves that Thiers, 
though he was weU known to be a determined advocate of peace, only ob- 
tained the very slender concessions that were made to him by threatening to 
struggle to the last gasp, and we repeat that a less pacific chamber and ne- 
gotiators, animated by the same spirit as Gambetta, might, to all appearance, 
have obtained less hard conditions.* 

After the end of the siege there may be said to have been hardly any gov- 
ernment in Paris. General Vinoy, who was in command, had, like all the 
military leaders, lost his whole prestige during the siege. The army by mix- 
ing with the people had imbibed the same spirit, and the government did not 
interfere in anything. The news of the entry of the Prussians exasperated 
the people, who were burning with the fever of despair. Tumultuous demon- 
strations took place at the Bastille; at the same time the crowd seized the 
guns which had been left in the part of Paris which the Prussians were to 
occupy. At first they wished to keep the conquerors from getting possession 
of them; then they kept them, and the most distrustful of the people took 
them up to Montmartre. The entry of the Prussians nearly brought about a 
terrible conflict with these crowds, which were burning with fury. This mis- 
fortune was, however, avoided. But the march of the conquerors through 
Paris was not of a tri\miphal character. Restricted within the space which 
leads from Neuilly through the Champs-Elysees to the Louvre, they were 
defied by the street boys of Paris, and were met at every turning by 
threatening crowds who pursued them with yells. The second day they 
were obliged to beat a dejected retreat. 

Meanwhile the advanced republicans were organising their party; they 
expected to have to fight the monarchical assembly by force. The law 
against Paris, the law of echeance, caused great indignation. The name of 
Thiers recalled his struggle against the republic after 1848 and his services as 
minister imder Louis Philippe. All this was too far distant to enable people 
to judge of the new r61e he intended to play. The repubhcans of the min- 
istry, Jules Favre, Picard, and Jules Simon, had, after the siege, lost all 
influence in Paris. A great many men who inspired confidence, left the 
assembly. Victor Hugo, whose speech had been shouted down by the pop- 
ulace, and Gambetta had resigned. A severe conflict seemed immment. 

Though Thiers wished on the one hand to control the royalists of the as- 
sembly, he was determined on the other to deprive of weapons the republicans 


[1871 A.D.J 

of the large towns. He made a pretext for doing this by demanding the 
restitution of the cannon which had been seized. Some of the radical dep- 
uties intervened to prevent civil war. They had twice almost succeeded m 
obtaining the restitution of the cannon, and were making further efforts to 
do so. Paris, too, seemed gradually calming down, when Thiers decided to 
employ force. On the 18th of March, at daybreak, the troops, under the 
orders of General Vinoy, ascended the slopes of Montmartre and took pos- 
session of the cannon. But things had been so badly managed that the 
people were aware of what was happening. The sight of those who had been 
wounded in the morning enraged the crowd; the troops were surrounded and 
dispersed: there was not even a struggle. The soldiers no longer obeyed 
their officers, but mingled with the populace. 

All Paris was in arms: instantly barricades were raised in every direction. 
Thiers had for a long time held that when a rebellion is serious it is best to 
abandon the revolting town and only re-enter it as a conqueror. He com- 
manded a retreat to Versailles. During the night the H6tel-de-Ville was 
evacuated by the government. The insurrection had been inaugurated with 
terrible bloodshed. General Leconte, who in the morning commanded part 
of the troops at Montmartre, had been detained by the crowd with some other 
prisoners, and the republican CMment Thomas, who had conimanded the 
national guard in 1848 and during the siege, had been recognised and ar- 
rested on the boulevard. These prisoners had been dragged from place to 
place. At last they were brought to the rue des Rosiers where a committee 
from Montmartre was sitting. A crowd of infuriated people assailed the 
house, and in the midst of a scene of wild confusion the two generals, Leconte 
and Clement Thomas, were pushed against the walls of the garden and riddled 
with bullets. This slaughter made a bloody stain on the proceedings of 
the day. 


Among the numerous organisations formed in Paris during the two pre- 
ceding months, the most active and enterprising was that which was known 
as "The central committee of the national guard," although it was com- 
posed of very obscure men. The central committee had taken as large a 
part as it possibly could in the doings of the 18th of March. It now installed 
itself in the deserted H6tel-de-Ville, posted up a proclamation, and thus be- 
came the government of the rebel party. 

The following day the party of the popvilation of Paris, who had done 
nothing on the 18th of March, but had remained passive, now began to resist 
the movement. The deputies of Paris and the mayors elected during the 
siege joined this party of the people, and summoned to their aid the portion 
of the national guard led by Admiral Saisset. 

Paris was cut in two. A spark would ignite the flame of civil war, nego- 
tiations were opened. The central committee offered to retire in favour of 
men chosen by the city; they were willing to stand for election, but only in 
order to continue the Revolution and not for the purpose of restoring legal or- 
der. Meantime they were governing the part of Paris which belonged to them. 
Arrests were made at the railway stations, and they threw General Chanzy 
and Floquet into prison. A series of abortive measures led up to the elections 
of the 23rd of March. In general members of the central committee, well- 
known socialists and partisans of the Revolution, gained enormous ma- 


[1871 A.D.] 


The commune — this was the name assumed by the insurgents in whose 
hands Paris had just placed the government — took possession of the whole 
town, except a corner of the 16th arrondissement, and Mont Valerien, which 
remained in the power of the army of Versailles, increasing day by day by 
reinforcements from all directions, and which Thiers placed under the com- 
mand of Marshal MacMahon, the man who had been defeated at Worth and 

At Versailles, Paris was looked upon as the refuge of scoundrels and mad- 
inen. Thus, in both of these centres, a spirit of civil war seemed part of the 
air men breathed. On the 2nd the army took possession of the barricade on 
the bridge at Neuilly. On the 3rd a united attack on Versailles was led by 
Gustave Flourcns. 

The first volleys from Mont Valerien threw the crowd into disorder. 
Flourens, deserted and in hiding at Rueil, was killed by a sabre woimd in- 
flicted by an officer of police. Next day near Chatillon the federals were 
repulsed in the same way, and, amongst others, their leader Duval was taken 

After this it was impossible for the commune to think of threatening 
Versailles. Driven back into Paris, it was about to be besieged there. From 
the first the prisoners were put to death. General de Galliffet had had two 
of the national guards placed against a wall and shot. Duval was executed 
without any formal trial. 

The commune responded by a decree that all prisoners and partisans of 
the assembly who were arrested and condemned were to be kept as the " host- 
ages of Paris," and that three of them should be shot each time that one of 
the federal prisoners was shot by the army. The effect produced by such a 
terrible threat may be imagined. After this no prisoners were executed on 
either side till the troops re-entered Paris. The struggle continued during 
the months of April and May without any fresh battle in the open. The 
army could only succeed in taking Neuilly street by street, slowly, after a 
month's fighting. The fort of Issy was defended with desperate determina- 
tion. Meanwhile Thiers was having Paris bombarded from St. Cloud. The 
shells poured down upon the Champs-Elysees, reaching as far as the place 
de la Concorde. 

And what was being done by the commune, the mistress of Paris? These 
were the plans the communists desired to carry out, and which represented 
the doctrines and political significance of the movement known as "the 
revolution of the 18th of March" — inside the fortifications the following 
measures had been proclaimed: the separation of Church and State; the 
suppression of the ministerial officials, who were all absent; the suppression 
of night-work for bakers, and a manifesto tending to bring about home rule 
in every commune in France, for each was to be a distinct state having its 
own army, its own laws, and its own system of taxation. 

The violent measures taken by the commune had soon alienated most of 
the people from it. It confiscated and destroyed the house of Thiers, seized 
his collections, and then demolished the Vendome column. The papers 
which opposed it most firmly were suppressed one after the other. Arrests 
and the searching of houses often took place simply on the authority of any 
officer of the national guard who chose to command them. In this way a 
large number of priests, monks, police officers, and former magistrates had 


[18?! a.dJ 

been arrested, and with them, republicans hke Chaudey. The commune was 
divided into two parties. The most celebrated man in the commune, Deles- 
cluze, did not belong to either party. The commune was without money and 
had recourse to the bank in order to raise funds. 


Paris had an unusual appearance: the national tricolour had disappeared 
and was replaced by the red flag. Strange uniforms were seen in the streets. 
Certain churches where the services had been put a stop to were used for 
holding public meetings, and orators of both sexes discussed socialistic ques- 
tions from the pulpit. The wealthy parts of the town were deserted. The 
distant thunder of the cannon never ceased night or day. The commune had 
not succeeded in inciting other towns in France to rise in rebellion, except St. 
Iltienne, Lyons, and Toulouse; there was also a rising in Aude: but these 
had either failed or been speedily suppressed. The municipal elections took 
place throughout the country in April and resulted in a victory for the dem- 
ocratic party. From all directions delegates from the new municipalities 
were sent to Versailles to try if possible to avert a civil war. It was in dealing 
with these delegates that Thiers first clearly and definitely pledged himself 
to a republican policy. On the 21st of May the army entered Paris unex- 
pectedly, making an entry by the left bank of the river. Then began that ter- 
rible battle which lasted nearly a week, when Paris was retaken street by 
street amid scenes of indescribable horror./ 

The powers of resistance of which the insurrection could dispose after its 
victory of March 18th must have been considerable, to enable it to sustain 
two months of constant fighting and the great seven days' battle in Paris. 
Its artillery consisted of 1,047 pieces. Deducting the guns employed on the 
outposts, the forts, and the walls, 726 were used in the streets when the regu- 
lar troops at last penetrated into Paris. The cavalry was ineffective and 
never counted more than 449 horses; but, on the contrary, the infantry was 
very numerous. Twenty regiments, consisting of 254 battalions, were divided 
into active and stationary parts: the first set in movement 3,649 officers and 
76,081 soldiers; the effective of the second was 106,909 men led by 4,284 
officers, which produced a total of more than 191,000 men, from which must 
be deducted 30,000 individuals who always found means to escape service. 
Briefly, the commune had an army of from 140,000 to 150,000 soldiers, 
which it commanded both outside and inside Paris. 

To this already imposing mass must be added twenty-eight free companies, 
very independent in conduct, which acted according to the fancy of the 
moment and obeyed no one. Their very fluctuating contingent rose, to- 
wards the middle of the month of May, to the number of 10,820 followers, led 
by 310 officers. There were among them men of every origin and of every 
description, who chose the wildest names — Turcos of the commune, Bergeret's 
scouts, children of Paris, Father Duchgne's children. Lost Children, Lascars, 
Marseillais sharpshooters, volunteers of la colonne de Juillet, and avengers of 

From the beginning it was evident that the conquerors would be impla- 
cable. Hardly had the army entered the city, when the executions began. 
Some of the vanquished, feeling they need hope for no mercy, soon began 
the criminal work which was to electrify the world. In the evening of the 
23rd, volumes of flame and smoke enveloped the city. Massacres on the one 
side were avenged by arson and murder on the other. No poet, not even 


[1871 A.D.] 

Dante, when he was piling horror upon horror in his Inferno, ever imagined 
such a ghastly spectacle as was presented by Paris during the whole of that 
week. At the barracks people were shot down by the dozen. Whole districts 
were depopulated by flight, arrests, and executions. In the part of Paris 
which was still held by the federals, the fury of the populace became more 
violent as defeat became more certain. 

On the 24th, at La Roquette, Raoul Rigault and Ferre had six "hostages " 
massacred. These included the archbishop of Paris and the cure of the 
Madeleine. On the 25th the Dominicans of Arcueil, in a terrible and almost 
incredible scene, were driven forth, torn almost limb from limb, and killed 
near the Gobelins. Some of the Paris guards and some priests were massa- 
cred in the rue Haxo. Other victims also suffered at La Roquette. When 
the troops reached the chateau d'Eau, Delescluze, wearing a frock-coat and 
carrying a walking-stick, walked all alone, with his head held high, straight 
into the thick of the firing; his corpse was found there riddled with bullets. 
It was at the taking of the last federal strongholds, Belleville, that the slaugh- 
ter was most terrible, while in the parts of Paris already taken the summary 
shooting of prisoners was going on steadily. 

Meanwhile long processions of prisoners (forty thousand had been taken) 
were journeying with parched throats, blistered feet, and fettered hands along 
the road from Paris to Versailles, and as they passed through the boulevards 
of Louis XIV's town, they were greeted with yells and sometimes with blows. 
They were crowded hastily into improvised prisons, one of which was merely 
a large courtyard where thousands of poor wretches lived for weeks with no 
lodging but the muddy ground, where they were exposed to all the inclemency 
of the weather, and whence they were despatched by a bullet in the head 
when desperation incited them to rebel. The Germans, from the terraces of 
St. Germain, were watching the spectacle of the taking of Paris, and at night 
saw the great city which was the glory of France decked with its hideous 
crown of fires. 

Certain it is that if such sights as these have not made the country hate 
the very idea of civil war, if they have not taught France what a crime it is 
to set armed Frenchmen against each other, it seems as if the lessons taught 
by history were indeed useless. On the 29th of May the conquest of Paris 
was complete. A terrible day of reckoning succeeded the misfortunes which 
the city had endured while the fighting was going on. Nearly ten thousand 
convictions were pronounced by the courts martial. New Caledonia was 
peopled with convicts. Besides these a large portion of the population had 
taken flight; and thus many industries, which had hitherto been exclusively 
Parisian, were introduced into foreign countries. 

Anger was so bitter against the refugees that the right of other nations to 
afford an asylum to them was disputed and Belgium even promised to give 
them up to France. The famous poet Victor Hugo was at that time in Brus- 
sels, and published a letter in which he stated that all refugee rebels would 
find a shelter in his house. The following night an attack was made on his 
house, which was pelted with stones. Immediately afterwards, the Belgian 
government expelled "the individual named Victor Hugo." But neither 
Belgium nor any other coimtry could give the exiles of the commime back to 

France./ ... , . 

History has rarely known a more unpatriotic crime than that of the m- 
surrection of the commime; but the punishment inflicted on the insurgents 
by the Versaifles troops was so ruthless that it seemed to be a counter-mani- 
festation of French hatred for Frenchmen in civil disturbance rather than a 


[1871-1872 A.D.] 

judicial penalty applied to a heinous offence. The number of Parisians kilied 
by French soldiers in the last week of May, 1871, was probably twenty thou- 
sand, though the partisans of the commune declared that thirty-six thousand 
men and women were shot in the streets or after summary court-martial. 

It is from this point that the history of the Third Republic commences. 
In spite of the doubly tragic ending of the war the vitality of the country 
seemed unimpaired. With ease and without murmur it supported the new 
burden of taxation called for by the war indenmity and by the reorganisation 
of the shattered forces of France. M. Thiers was thus aided in his task of 
liberating the ferritory from the presence of the enemy. His proposal at 
Bordeaux to make the essai loyal of the republic, as the form of government 
which caused the least division among Frenchmen, was discouraged by the 
excesses of the commune, which associated republicanism with revolutionary 
disorder. Nevertheless, the monarchists of the national assembly received 
a note of warning that the country might dispense with their services unless 
they displayed governmental capacity, when in July, 1871, the republican 
minority was largely increased at the by-elections. The next month, within 
a year of Sedan, a provisional constitution was voted, the title of president of 
the French RepubHc being then conferred on Thiers. The monarchists con- 
sented to this against their will; but they had their own way when they con- 
ferred constituent powers on the assembly in opposition to the republicans, 
who argued that it was a usurpation of the sovereignty of the people for a body 
elected for another purpose to assume the power of giving a constitution to the 
land without a special mandate from the nation. The debate gave Gambetta 
his first opportimity of appearing as a serious politician. The fou furieux 
of Tours, whom Thiers had denounced for his efforts to prolong the hopeless 
war, was about to become the chief support of the aged Orleanist statesman 
whose supreme achievement was to be the foimdation of the republic? 


The French government had two immediate ends in view — to rid the coun- 
try of foreign occupation as speedily as possible, and to improve the military 
organisation on a Prussian model. Since the liquidation of great sums of 
money was necessary for attaining both these ends, a great demand was put 
on the taxable strength of the coimtry. The object to be gained by the second 
aim was not to increase the defensive power of the land, since an imaggressive 
France had to fear no attack, but to prepare for a war of revenge against 
Germany. The shattered military glory was to be restored, the lost provinces 
were to be given back, or some compensation, perhaps in Belgium, was to be 
obtained for them. All parties in France, the monarchists as well as the ex- 
treme republicans, were filled with this idea, voted funds after funds for mili- 
tary purposes in the national assembly, and even oJBfered the government 
more money than it asked for. 

Thiers, who had been made president of the French Republic on August 
31st, 1871, by the national assembly, negotiated a loan of two thousand five 
hundred million francs for the payment of the first two milliards of the war 
indemnity in Jime, 1871, and a loan of more than three milliards for the pay- 
ment of the rest in July, 1872. The "financial miracle" was then enacted 
— namely, forty-four milliards was registered in the public subscription list, 
in which German banking houses also participated disgracefully. Even if 
this sum were not intended in earnest, it was nevertheless aa extremely 
favourable testimony to the French credit. 


[1871-1875 A.D.] 

By the military law of July 28th, 1872, universal compulsory service was 
introduced, providing that one part of the community was to serve for five 
years, the other in periods of six months' drill. This law was completed by 
the organisation law of July 24th, 1873 — which fixed the number of the regi- 
ments and divided them into eighteen army corps — and by the cadre law of 
March 13th, 1875. This latter increased 
the battalion cadres by creating a new 
fourth battalion for every three which 
already existed, so that now instead of 
the regiments of three battalions with 
a maximum strength of three thousand 
men, there were regiments of four bat- 
talions, which brought the maximum 
strength of the regiment up to four 
thousand men. After this law had 
been carried out, the French infantry, 
consisting of 641 battalions, numbered 
269 field battalions more than in the 
year 1870, and 171 field battalions more 
than the German army in time of peace. 

This cadre law caused such a sensa- 
tion that in the spring of 1875 it was 
generally reported that there was an- 
other war " in sight" ; that the German 
Empire wished to declare war on France 
before these colossal preparations were 
carried mto effect. Nevertheless, the 
war did not go beyond diplomatic in- 
quiries. The "great" nation tried to 
put all the responsibihty for the mili- 
tary disgrace in the late war upon Mar- 
shal Bazaine, who, it must be said, 
had signed the capitulation of Metz 
at a very convenient moment for the 
Germans. He was brought before a 
military tribunal and condemned to 
death on December 10th, 1873, but 
this sentence was commuted to twenty 
years' imprisonment. He began his 
period of captivity on December 26th 
in a fort on the island of Ste. Margue- 
rite, but he escaped on August 10th, 
1874, with the help of his wife, and fled 
to Spain. 

The national assembly, divided into 
parties which were bitterly opposed 

to each other, developed a very meagre legislative activity. On one side 
stood the three monarchistic parties of the legitimists, the Orleanists, and 
the Bourbons, each of which had its pretender to the throne; on the other 
the republicans, who were divided into a moderate and an extreme Left. 
Between them stood a group of parliamentarians, who could be satisfied with 
either form of government, if only the constitutional system were preserved. 
It is true that the monarchists held the majority, but in the course of the next 



[1873-1875 A.D.] 

few years they lost considerable ground through the supplementary^ elections, 
and they were so disunited among themselves that m the most important 
questions frequently a fraction of the Right voted with the Left, and the 
majority thus became a minority. The "fusion," i.e. the union of the legiti- 
mists and Orleanists into one single party, did not succeed. 

Thiers preferred the actual republic to any one of the three possible 
monarchies, and for that very reason the monarchists were very much dis- 
satisfied with him. When, at the re-formation of the ministry on May 18th, 
1873, he wholly disregarded the monarchistic majority and recruited his 
cabinet entirely from the moderate Left, the monarchists moved a vote of 
censure upon Thiers. This was carried on May 24th, 1873, by a vote of 360 
against 344. 

Macmahon becomes president 

Thiers and his ministry resigned; whereupon, in the same sitting, MacMa- 
hon was elected president of the republic. The duke de Broglie held the place 
of vice-president under him. In order to strengthen the position of the presi- 
dent the national assembly voted on November 19th. 1873, to fix the term 
of his service at seven years. The Broglie ministry could not long succeed in 
this difficult art of steering safely between the parties. It was compelled to 
retire on May 16th, 1874, through the result of the ballot on the electoral 
law, and on May 22nd the war minister, Cissey, took over the presidency of 
the cabinet. 

But when the government seemed to favour the Bonapartists and a choice 
between the republic or a third empire was imminent, the moderate Orleanists 
separated themselves from the government; from the left and right Centre 
a new majority was formed, which, on the motion of the delegate Wallon, by 
its final vote on February 25th, 1875, established a republic with regular presi- 
dential elections, and with a senate and second chamber. Thereupon the 
formation of the Buffet ministry followed on March 10th, the most prominent 
member of which belonged to the right Centre.'' 


The constitution was formed as foUows: at the head of the executive a 
president, named in advance by the 1871 assembly, to hold office for seven 
years, with power to dissolve the chamber of deputies subject to agreement 
by the senate. He had also a more formidable right — that of suspending 
both chambers for one month, though not more than twice in a session; that 
is, he was to be sole and uncontrolled governor in case of disagreement be- 
tween himself and the direct or indirect representatives of the nation. The 
senate was composed of two hundred and twenty-five members appointed by 
the departments and the colonies for nine years, and seventy-five appointed 
by the national assembly; these last for life. The others were elected by a 
departmental circle composed of deputies, councillors-general, suburban coun- 
cillors, and delegates, one from each municipal councU. 

So it came about that the smallest French commune, haAong hardly 
enough electors to compose a municipal council, played as considerable a 
part in the goyernment as Lyons or Marseilles. This meant the subordina- 
tion of republican towns to country districts, over which the government 
hoped to exercise a powerful influence. An elector in a tiny commune 
weighed in the electoral balance as much as two or three thousand electors in 
large cities. At bottom it was an election of senators in the hands of village 


[1876 A.D.] 

mayors, under governmental influence. This was a very different thing from 
the declaration of rights — "All men are equal in the eyes of the Law." 

There remained the chamber of deputies elected by imiversal suffrage. It 
was elected by borough balloting, but it was not included in the articles of 
the constitution. This chamber shared the introduction of laws with the 
senate and the president of the republic. It was named by a mode of ballot 
that diminished its importance and threatened it with dissolution on the 
slightest disagreement with the assembly, which was chosen by restricted 
suffrage. The constitution, however, gave it a supreme prerogative — a su- 
preme means of making the national will triumphant: the introduction of 
financial laws, the key of the money chest! The chamber of deputies had 
the most weight in matters of taxing, a prerogative which is not only a re- 
publican right but one which is also exercised in all constitutional monarchies. 
This right the chamber of deputies did not even know how to uphold and 

The Versailles assembly, which was imenthusiastic, monarchical, and far 
more clerical, was principally concerned in promoting in the new constitution 
the interests of the higher classes above those of democracy, of crushing 
imiversal suffrage which it was unable to suppress under the feet of limited 
suffrage, and fettering as far as possible every liberal or democratic reform. 
At the end of ten years its entire work still existed and in this sense one may 
say that the assembly of 1871 was successful. 

From the 22nd to the 24th of February the Wallon proposition was dis- 
puted foot by foot, word by word, by the Right, who rained a shower of 
amendments on it. They wanted universal suffrage; an appeal to the people; 
the declaration of the sovereignty of the people; the interdiction of princes 
as presidents of the republic. Everything was commenced, but to little pur- 
pose. The republicans turned a deaf ear, maintained a staunch resistance 
and, from the highest to the lowest, kept the promise made in their name. 
On the 24th of February the senate law and the transmission of the presi- 
dent's powers had a majority. On the 25th of February the bill relative to 
the organisation of public powers was carried in a third and final debate by 
425 against 254. The republic was complete!'' 


Simon's ministry 

This constitution, the fourteenth since 1789, was the result of dissensions 
among the monarchists, who preferred republican candidates to their rivals 
in the legitimist or Orleanist ranks. After this unexpected aid, the republi- 
cans gained a large majority in the elections to the chamber, thanks largely 
to the efforts of Gambetta, who was not, however, rewarded with representa- 
tion in the cabinet. The first minister imder the new constitution was 
Dufaure, formerly in Louis Philippe's cabinet; late in 1876 he retired, and 
the new premier was Jules Simon. Simon was of deeply Catholic sympathies 
and aided in a movement to interfere in Italian affairs for the restoration of 
the pope to temporal power and the control of Rome." 

During Simon's ministry the struggle, from being political, suddenly be- 
came a religious one between the republicans and the conservatives.^ Some 
incidents of external politics in Italy and Germany, whose reverberations ex- 
tended to France, a demand for the authorisation of conferences, presented 
to the minister of the interior by the ex-pere Hyacinthe, the aggressive 
ardour of archbishops and bishops and the anti-religious violence of a part 
of the radical press, all united to set lay society and the clerical world in 


[1878 A.D.] 

opposition to one another and to provoke in parliament a formidable crisis 
— in the country an agitation which might have produced first a revolution 
and afterwards war. 

Gambetta set himself against the clerical party and demanded that the 
Concordat should be interpreted as a two-sided contract, obligatory and 
equally binding on both parties; and he ended by repeating the words of 
Peyrat: "Clericalism, that is the enemy!" (Le clericalisme, voilb, Vennemi!) 
It has been said that this war-cry was too sweeping, because it included all 
the members of the clergy amongst the enemies of society. But from that 
time the epithet "clerical" designated rather the laity than the ecclesiastics, 
including all those who mingle religion and politics, who wish to use spiritual 
matters for temporal ends and take their electoral cue elsewhere than in 

There was strong feeling against the agitation meant to ferment a reli- 
gious war and embroil France in ultramontane politics. Simon declared that 
he had done all in his power to repress the spirit of war for Catholicism. But 
votes on two bills only indirectly related to clericalism went againsc the policy 
of the minister and were made a pretext for an unusual step. 

THE COUP d'etat OF MAY 16TH 

On the 16th of May President MacMahon published in the official organ 
an open letter of rebuke to his minister. This strange act has been called 
the coup d'etat of May 16th. <■■ 

The president's letter closed as follows :» 

The attitude of the chief of the cabinet raises the question as to whether he has preserved 
that influence over the chamber which is necessary to make his views prevail. An explanation 
on this head is indispensable ; for, if I am not, like you, responsible to the parliament, I have 
a responsibility towards France which 1 ought now more than ever to consider. 
Accept, Monsieur le president du conseil, the assurance of my high esteem. 

Le President de la Republique, 
Mabkchal de MacMahon. 

On this strange document Zevort comments severely: 
Before studying the real meaning of this letter it will be well to estimate 
what the very (sending of it implied, the unheard-of proceeding to which the 
marshal had recourse to rid himself of a president of the coimcU who had rep- 
resented him to the parliament as the model of parliamentary and constitu- 
tional chiefs. The letter specified nothing. If Jules Simon had wished to 
play a close game with his unskilful antagonist, he might indeed have either 
presented himself before the chamber, procured a vote of confidence, and 
thus demonstrated that he had preserved that infiuence which was necessary 
to make his views prevail; or he might have waited till the approaching 
council of ministers, and had that explanation with the marshal which the 
latter declared indispensable. In either case the president of the republic 
would have found himself in a position of cruel embarrassment, and the con- 
flict he had raised would perhaps have received, on the 17th or 18th of May, 
1877, the solution which it was to receive only in the month of January, 1879. 
Like all timid persons the marshal dreaded nothing so much as an explanation 
with those he had offended; and his letter, in its prodigious clumsiness, was 
very skilfully drawn up, if he wished to avoid an interview in the council with 
the ministers so cavalierly dismissed. 

As to the pretexts devised to separate him from the cabinet of the 12th of 
December, they were really altogether too frivolous. However inexperienced 



(1876-1879 A.D.] 

the marshal might be, he was not ignorant of the fact that a law under dis- 
cussion is not a law passed. 

The question as to whether Jules Simon had sufficient authority over the 
chamber was either a premeditated insult or the proof of a singular defect of 
memory; and had not Jules Simon — in the most weighty divisions, on the 
4th of May, 1877, and the 28th of December, 1876, when the prerogatives of 
the chamber were themselves at stake — had more than two-thirds of the 
voters with him, and was the law of majorities no longer, as on the 26th of 
May, 1873, the supreme rule of parliamentary governments? 

" I am responsible to France," said the marshal, who had been elected by 
390 deputies, thus borrowing the phraseology of Napoleon III, who had been 
chosen by five million electors; and was not France directly and regularly 
represented by the senate and the chamber of deputies, and had not the 
constitution (Article 6) already indicated 
the single case La which the president of 
the republic is responsible — namely, the 
case of high treason? 

Such was that document of the 16th 
of May, which left everything to be feared 
because it went beyond all measure, 
which did not exceed the bounds of 
legality but which exhausted it at the 
first blow. The marshal was about to 
declare in his speech, in his Orders of 
the Day, that he would go to the farthest 
bounds of this legality, whose utmost 
limit he had attained with one leap. 
The constitution of 1875 had assured 
him a quasi-royalty: yet he was now 
going to put himself outside or above 
the laws, under pretence of the higher 
interests of the public safety, that facile 
pretext for all dictatorship; he was 
about to engage, haphazard, in a for- 
midable venture, ignorant of what 
might result from his victory or his de- 

The coup d'etat of the 16th of May was from its inception condemned 
throughout Europe. MacMahon was neither sufiiciently ambitious nor im- 
scrupulous to institute a military dictatorship. The most important events 
in the political calendar were the electoral campaign and Gambetta's noted 
speech at Lille, on the 15th of August, when he wound up with, " Believe me, 
gentlemen, when France has once spoken with her sovereign voice there will 
be nothing left but submission or resignation" (se soumettre ou se demettre). 
The jingle caught the popular ear and Marshal MacMahon on the 13th of 
December submitted unconditionally. 

jojES or^vy 


Gambetta, it is generally conceded, was at this period the foremost poli- 
tician in France. A thoroughly republican ministry was formed vmder 
Dufaure, president of the council and minister of justice, with Freycinet as 
minister of public works. President MacMahon in his message "accepted 


[1878-1879 A.D.] 

the will of the country." Gambetta now sagaciously expressed his wish that 
MacMahon should be permitted to complete his term; and thus the advantages 
of republican rule might be the better demonstrated by his duly and peace- 
fully elected successor. The great exposition of 1878 brought MacMahon 
some prominence, but the old soldier found hunself isolated, and utterly 
sick of the part he had to play. 

On the 28th of January, 1879, MacMahon, finding himself unable to agree 
with his ministers and hopeless of forming a new ministry conformable to his 

views, resigned and in his last acts con- 
ducted himself with such dignity as to 
wring even from Zevort '^ this commen- 

" From the beginning of the govern- 
mental crisis the marshal had con- 
ducted himself as a man of honour, and 
preserved an attitude the most correct 
and most deserving of respect, and em- 
ployed the simplest and most becoming 
language. From the moment that the 
politician had vanished, the honest man, 
the good citizen, the successful soldier 
had reappeared, and the lofty dignity 
of his retreat made men forget the errors 
for which he was only half responsible." 
What part Gambetta acted in the 
crisis of January, 1879, _ when Mac- 
Mahon's ministry feU, it is difficult to 
decide. At the critical juncture he 
appears to have absented himseK from 
Paris. He abstained from speaking in 
the debate on the policy of the ministry, 
neither did he vote in the final division. 
There is every reason to believe that, 
had he willed, he might have contested 
the presidency of the republic success- 
fully. But he waived his claims in favour of Jules Gr^vy, who was elected 
president on the 30th of January, 1879, by 536 votes against 99 for General 
Chanzy, Gambetta becoming president of the chamber and Waddington the 
prime minister. 

Leon Gambetta 


The deputies were united now as " the national assembly," and the legis- 
lature returned from Versailles to Paris. Both executive and legislature were 
now thoroughly republican. 

Prominent in Gravy's cabinet was the minister of education, Jules Ferry, 
who was strongly anti-clerical in his views and advocated an educational bill 
excluding the Jesuits and all "unauthorised orders" from acting as teachers 
in France. Jules Simon secured the rejection of the bUl by the senate, but 
the unauthorised orders were disbanded and many priests and nuns expelled 
amidst public feeling embittered by the wrath of the clerical party and the 
zeal of the anti-clericals. The Bonapartist cause suffered when the young 


(1879-1886 A.D.] 

prince imperial was killed by the Zulus. Waddington resigned the ministry 
to Freycinet and he to Ferry, who still kept Gambetta from office. 

Gambetta now began to fight for power and. to gather republican senti- 
ment^ about him untU it was necessary to caU him to the prime-ministry. 
The jealousy of his magnetism or "occult power," as it was called, and his 
distribution of the portfolios succeeded in shortening his lease of power to 
ten weeks. Gambetta, in the days of his power, advocated all measures that 
would tend to place France in the position she occupied before the war. He 
approved of the expedition to Timis, for he desired to extend her influence in 
the Mediterranean. And he upheld the dual action of France and England 
in Egypt. To quote his own words in almost the last speech he ever made: 
" For the last ten years there has been a western policy in Europe represented 
by England and France, and allow me to say here that I know of no other 
European policy likely to avail us in the most terrible of the contingencies we 
may have to face hereafter. What induced me to seek for the English alli- 
ance, for the co-operation of England in the basin of the Mediterranean and 
in Egypt — and I pray you mark me well — what I most apprehend, in addition 
to an ill-omened estrangement, is that you should deliver over to England 
and forever territories, and rivers, and waterways where your right to live 
and traffic is equal to her own." 

On the 81st of December, 1882, Gambetta died at the age of forty-four 
from an accidental wound. Thus ended prematurely the strange career of 
le grand ministre, as he was called ironically, less memorable for what he did 
than for what everyone felt he might have done. 

In the first month of the same year (January, 1882) another new ministry 
had been formed with Freycinet president of the councU and minister for 
foreign affairs. This ministry lasted only half a year, being succeeded by 
that of Duclerc, during which all the members of royal families were exiled 
from France in consequence of a campaign of placards waged by the son of 
Jerome Bonaparte of Westphalia. The brief premiership of Fallieres gave 
way to that of Jules Ferry who, though a former rival of Gambetta's, imited 
with his disciples to form the so-called "opportunist" party. 

During Ferry's comparatively lengthy tenure of office of over two years, 
some revision of the constitution was accomplished in uncharacteristic peace- 
fulness. The typical volatility of the people, however, was revealed by the 
explosion. of rage over the news of a check received by the French army at 
Tongking. The bitter speeches of the cynical C14menceau brought about 
Ferry's resignation and Brisson became prime minister. A reaction now 
grew against the republican administration, and the elections of 1885 were 
forty-five per cent, monarchical. The alarm over this dangerous weakness 
put a momentary end to republican internal factions, and Gr6vy was re-elected 
president December 28th, for a second septennate. 

Freycinet formed a new ministry, his third, giving the portfoho of war to 
General Boulanger — a curious figure neither whose past nor whose future 
justified the remarkable prominence he acquired. His first acts were sen- 
sational in that he erased from the army list all the princes of royal families 
and exiled his first patron, the duke d'Aumale; he also repressed all the army 
officers of reactionist sympathies. The populace showered on Boulanger the 
favour it withdrew from the president, and he became powerful enough to 
unseat Freycinet, who was succeeded by Goblet. Boulanger took a spectac- 
ular position on the arrest by the Germans of a French officer named Schnae- 
bele, and showed great energy in preparing for a war with Prussia. Goblet 
resigned. Rouvier followed, and sent Boulanger to an army post. In 1887 
H. -w.— VOL. xm. N 


[18T8-1894 A.D.] 

scandals arose concerning the sale of Legion of Honour decorations, in which 
a deputy named Daniel Wilson was implicated and in which it was shown that 
he used the president's residence as a sort of office. This provoked an out- 
cry before which Gr^vy resigned. 

In his nine years of administration, President Gr6vy had had eleven 
ministers — in itself a proof of lack of policy or at least of power to carry out 
a policy. In the first period, from 1879 to March 20th, 1885, however, much 
had been accomplished for the establishment of pubUc liberties— the freedom 
of the press being assured in 1881, the municipal councils given the right to 
elect their mayors in 1882, and the laws of divorce replaced in the civil code 
whence the Restoration had removed them. The schools had also been 
rendered secular, as we have seen. 

The application of these reforms, reductions in the taxes, coinciding with 

bad years and the ruin of the vintage, pro- 
duced the most serious difl&culties with re- 
gard to the budget — difficulties which were 
still further augmented by the participa- 
tion of France in the colonising movement 
then attracting all Europe. The Ttmis 
expedition (1880-1881), that of Tongking 
(1883-1885), the first Madagascar expedi- 
tion (1883-1885), the foundation of the 
French Congo (1884), and the advance 
towards the Sudan belong to this period. 
In the second period parliament and pub- 
lic opinion are in a state of profound dis- 
turbance after the 30th of March, 1885, and 
anarchy reigned in the ministries, the par- 
liament, and public opinion.*^ 

In this critical situation, when Frey- 
cinet and Floquet, aiming for the radical 
vote, are said to have had a secret agree- 
ment to restore Boulanger to power; when 
the monarchists were planning to vote for 
sadi cabnot Ferry in the hope that his unpopularity 

would provoke one of those mob disturb- 
ances which had so often brought back the monarchy, Cl^menceau skilfully 
secured the nomination and election of an unexpected figure — Sadi Carnot, a 
man of unassailed reputation, whose grandfather was the great Carnot to 
whom France had owed her magnificent military organisation during the 


Sadi Carnot, though perhaps not a great man, displayed as president of 
the republic the same qualities of conscientiousness, diligence, and modesty 
for which he had been noted in those more humble days when he buUt bridges 
at Annecy. These years were imexampled in France for the virulence of 
political passion and the acrimonious license of the press. The decoration 
scandal, the Boulangist movement, and the Panama affair filled this period 
with opprobrious accusations and counter-charges. 

Carnot chose Tirard for his premier; under him Wilson was sentenced to 
two years for fraud, and Boulanger was deprived of command for absenting 
himself from his post without leave. Wilson appealed, and the higher courts 


[1887-1894 A.D.] 

reversed the decision against him. As he was a relative of Gr6vy, this pro- 
voked public suspicion, which was aggravated when Boulanger was elected 
a deputy by an overwhelming majority and was immediately expelled from 
the army. 

Tirard's ministry fell and Floquet succeeded, with Freycinet as mmister 
™ ^^''•. .^ ^^'^^ ensued between Floquet and Boulanger, in which, singularly, 
the civilian, who was also of advanced age, wounded the doughty general in 
the throat. None the less, Boulangism increased rapidly and was enlarged by 
the royalist vote. The time was ripe for a coup d'etat, but the general did 
not move; indeed, he denied ia his speeches any ambition for dictatorship 
and actually withdrew to Brussels, April, 1889, when he heard that Tirard, 
who had_ been recalled as premier, was about to arrest him. He was now 
found guilty of high treason and the senate sentenced him to life imprisonment. 

He went to Jersey and lived there 
quietly, while Boulangism died of inani- 
tion. In July, 1890, his mistress, Mme. 
deBoimemain, died, and September 30th, 
1891, he blew out his own brains on her 
grave. This last act was consistent with 
his whole career, both in its strong emo- 
tionalism and in its weakness. He was 
a man idolised by his soldiers, whom he 
treated with great democracy and even 
tenderness; he was thrilled with a pas- 
sion to revenge France on Prussia, a 
passion bound to be popular then in 
France; he was a smart soldier and on 
his black horse made a picturesque figure; 
a popular time added to his vogue — " C'est 
Boulanger qu'il nous faut" ; and it might 
have proved a " Qa ira" of insurrection, 
but he lacked the courage — or shall we not 
more mercifully and justly say, he lacked 
the villainy? — to lead a revolution. While 
he missed the glory of a Napoleon, he also 
escaped the bloody crimes of that despot. 

Boulangism having committed suicide, it suffered disgrace from the mo- 
narchic coalition, and reform went on peacefully. In 1890 Freycinet added 
the premiership to the war ministry, and 1891 saw no change of cabinet. 
Conciliation with Rome was the policy of both France and the Church; and 
in February, 1892, Leo XIII recognised the republic in an encyclical. Frey- 
cinet resigned the premiership and Emile Loubet became premier. 

Now the Panama scandal came to shock all the world with the revelations 
of official corruption, of wholesale blackmail, and of the abuse of funds largely 
subscribed by the poorer masses. The trials were peacefully conducted, and 
while only one former minister was convicted and a sentence was passed on 
De Lesseps, the engineer of the Suez Canal and also of the Panama venture, 
the deep disgust of the public did not take the usual recourse to riotous 
expression. Loubet was followed in December, 1892, by Ribot and he later 
by Dupuy. Casimir-P^rier, grandson of the famous statesman, succeeded 
for a time, to be followed again by Dupuy. June 24th, 1894, President 
Carnot was stabbed to death by an Italian anarchist named Caserio. 




[1894-1899 A.]>.] 


Casimir-P^rier, who like Carnot bore a name unsullied by scandal, was 
elected by the congress June 27th, 1894, but he could not endure the attacks 
of opposition newspapers; and January 15th, 1895, he resigned on the ground 
of overburdensome responsibiUties without adequate powers. 

F61ix Faure was chosen to succeed him; he was of humble origin and a 
successful merchant. Ribot was his first premier, L^on Bourgeois his second, 
and M61ine the third; M61ine's ministry lasted from April, 1896, to June 28th, 
1898, the visit of the czar, and the sealing of the Franco-Russian alliance 
giving it distinction. Dupuy came back as premier, but February 16th, 1899, 

President Faure died of apoplexy 
and the then president of the sen- 
ate, Loubet, was elected in his 
place. The Dupuy ministry held 
over till Jime, when Waldeck- 
Rousseau became premier and 
managed by a combination of firm- 
ness with an effort at conciliating 
the various parties to carry France 
through the violence of anti-Sem- 
itism and its culmination in the 
two trials of the Jewish captain 
Alfred Dreyfus. 


In January, 1895, Dreyfus had 
been sentenced to life imprison- 
ment on Devil's Island off French 
Guiana, the charge being that he 
>ad sold military secrets to Ger- 
iany. The dramatic ceremonies 
Felix faubb of his degradation and his earnest 

denials of guilt attracted the atten- 
tion of the world, and it was claimed that he was the innocent scape-goat 
of anti-Jewish rancour and of true guilt among Gentile officers. The efforts of 
certain French officers, writers, and editors, notably Colonel Picquart and 
Emile Zola, to reopen the case were vain for some time. Colonel Picquart 
being imprisoned and Zola driven into exile. In 1898 new proofs against 
Dreyfus were produced, but Colonel Henry confessed to forging these and 
committed suicide. 

After a ferocious newspaper war in which the foreign press joined with 
vmusual vigour, Captain Dreyfus was brought back for retrial in August, 1899. 
It is difficult for a foreigner to decide on the merits of the case, as the sin- 
cerity of both factions was only too evident, and the charges of militarism 
and anti-Semitism against the anti-Dreyfusards were met by charges of ve- 
nality and of purchase by Jewish gold. Even the new president, Loubet, was 
accused of this. The new court, by a majority of five to two, again found 
Dreyfus "guilty of treason with extenuating circumstances," and sentenced 
him to ten years' detention. The curious wording of the sentence, as well 
as certain methods of court procedure, amazed the foreign world, in which 



the opinion is practically unanimous that the evidence published has no 
value at all in proving Dreyfus guilty. 

The French government, however, put a stop to the agitation by pardon- 
ing the prisoner and recommending a general amnesty. This was perhaps 
the wisest course, though hardly satisfactory as an example of fearless justice. 
Every nation has its judicial scandals, but no other has had so imiversal an 
airing, and a prejudice has been excited against the whole French people 
as a result of this affair. A British writer, J. E. C. Bodley,^ has thus 
summed up its manifold phases: 

" The Dreyfus affair was severely judged by foreign critics as a miscarriage 
of justice resulting from race-prejudice. If that simple appreciation rightly 
describes its origin, it became in its development one of those scandals sympto- 
matic of the unhealthy political condition of France, which on a smaller scale 
had often recurred under the Third Republic, and which were made the 
pretext by the malcontents of all parties for gratifying their animosities. 
That in its later stages it was not a question of race-persecution was seen La 
the curious phenomenon of journals owned or edited by Jews leading the 
outcry against the Jewish officer and his defenders. That it was not a mere 
episode of the rivalry between republicans and monarchists, or between the 
advocates of parliamentarism and of military autocracy, was evident from 
the fact that the most formidable opponents of Dreyfus, without whose 
hostility that of the clericals and reactionaries would have been ineffective, 
were republican politicians. That it was not a phase of the anti-capitalist 
movement was shown by the zealous adherence of the socialist leaders and 
journalists to the cause of Dreyfus; indeed, one remarkable result of the 
affair was its diversion of the socialist party and press for years from their 
normal campaign against property. 

" The Dreyfus affair was utilised by the reactionaries against the republic, 
by the clericals against the non-Catholics, by the anti-clericals against the 
Church, by the military party against the parliamentarians, and by the 
revolutionary sociahsts against the army. It was also conspicuously utilised 
by rival republican politicians against one another, and the chaos of political 
groups was further confused by it. The controversy was conducted with 
the unseemly weapons which in France have made parliamentary institutions 
a by-word and an unlicensed press a national calamity; while the judicial 
proceedings arising out of it showed that at the end of the nineteenth cen- 
tury the French conception of liberty was as peculiar as it had been during 
the Revolution a hundred years before." 

COLONIAL WARS (1882-1895) 

Foreign affairs in France have been marked by various small wars, notably 
the war in Tongking, where in 1882 the successful commandant Riviere was 
killed. Admiral Courbet, however, retrieved these disasters by vigorous 
action and won a treaty, August 25th, 1882, by which the French protec- 
torate over Annam and Tongking was acknowledged. General MUlot now 
took control of the land forces and Courbet by means of his fleet secured 
from Li Hung Chang a recognition of the Tongking protectorate, after bom- 
barding certain ports and destroying two Chinese cruisers.<» 

The joy caused by the signing of peace with China was disturbed by the 
news of the death of the man to whom peace was due. Admiral Courbet died 
on June 11th, 1885, from the effects of an illness against which he had long 
struggled. Although he felt he was dangerously ill, he would not leave his 


[1861-1900 A.D.] 

post. He understood perhaps that no one could have replaced him. All 
France felt the blow; a magnificent funeral was given the sailor who had 
raised the glory of his flag in the extreme East.? 

In 1892 there was a short and successful war with Dahomey. It has been 
summed up by Lanier*; as follows: "This glorious campaign, where two 
thousand soldiers had had to struggle against twenty thousand natives, 
admirably suppHed with implements of warfare, taught and trained to the 
offensive, not to speak of jungles, swamps, dysentery, and fevers, had lasted 
just three months, and cost France ten miUion francs. It reflected the great- 
est honour on the general who commanded it." 

Disputes had been of frequent occurrence between France and Mada- 
gascar since 1642, when the French destroyed a Portuguese settlement. In 
1861 a treaty between France, Great Britain, and Madagascar was signed. 

But in 1864 again there were disputes be- 
tween the French and Hovas; to be followed 
in 1877 by a serious quarrel respecting cer- 
tain lands given to one Laborde, a missionary, 
which the Hovas now reclaimed. In 1882 
the French claimed the protectorate of part 
of northwest Madagascar by virtue of a treaty 
made in 1840-41. This resulted in an appeal 
^ to the British government; a native embassy 

V was also sent to France to protest. Peaceful 
measures failed; and Admiral Pierre with a 
French fleet, in the year 1883, bombarded and 
captured Tamatave. From that time for- 
ward there was constant warfare; sometimes 
one side and sometimes the other gaining 
indecisive victories. On the 12th of Decem- 
ber, 1895, Madagascar was attached to the 
French colonies. 

In 1899 the poet Paul D^roulede vainly tried to prevail on General Roget 
to leave President Faure's funeral and march to evict President Loubet from 
the Elys6e palace. A like failure attended the effort to provoke a war with 
England over the Fashoda affair, in which Major Marchand with a handful 
of men claimed a right over territories he had explored for France. The 
British government treated him and his claims with small respect and French 
pride was injured, but fortunately no further steps were taken. 

In 1900 the world's exposition failed to have a political effect, and was not 
a financial success. A great sensation was caused by the revelation that the 
French birth-rate was on the decrease, but similar statements concerning 
England were later made. When the nineteenth century began, France had 
one-fifth of the total population of Europe ; at the beginning of the twentieth 
century she has hardly a tenth. In that time her population has increased 
only forty-six per cent., while that of Great Britain and Ireland has increased 
one hundred and fifty-six per cent. 

llMTLB Loubet 


The years 1901-1905 were remarkable for the contest between state and 
church in France, culminating in the final disestablishment of the latter. 
Under the terms of the famous Concordat of 1801 between Napoleon I and 
Pius VII the French government paid the salaries of the clergy and had the 


right of nominating bishops, an arrangement which worked smoothly for the 
greater part of the ensuing century. After the estabUshment of the Third 
Kepublic,_ however, the influence of the church, and especially of certain 
orders in it, had been frequently exerted against the government. When this 
friction became threatemng. Pope Pius IX gave counsels of moderation, 
recommending the French Catholics to recognise the government de facto, 
that is, the Republican regime. 

Possessed of a vast amount of wealth which escaped taxation, these 
orders, whose leaders were in many cases foreigners, independent of French 
authority, and often living abroad, inclined to a monarchial form of gov- 
ernment, and not infrequently assisted the royalists in promoting their 
propaganda. As the education of a large part of the youth of the country 
was in their hands, they constituted a distinct menace to the Republic. 
Actuated by a desire to lessen this danger, and perhaps also by a more gen- 
eral hostihty to the ecclesiastical system, the Waldeck-Rousseau ministry 
in 1901 secured the passage of an act requiring religious associations to 
secure legal authorisation from the government. This act appears to have 
been intended rather in the nature of a weapon in reserve, but the Waldeck- 
Rousseau ministry resigned in June, 1902, and the new ministry of M. 
Combes at once entered on an extreme anti-clerical policy. Despite violent 
resistance in some parts of the country, particularly in Brittany, the law was 
rigidly enforced, and a vast number of associations were broken up. In 1904 
events occurred which increased the tension still further. In the early part 
of the year President Loubet, when visiting the King of Italy, failed to pay 
a visit to the Pope. The Papal authorities protested against this omission 
in a secret note, which was communicated by a German diplomatist to M. 
Jaur^s, the socialist leader. The publication of this note .caused great indig- 
nation among Republicans and did much to embitter relations between the 
Quai d'Orsai and the Vatican. Later in the year the Pope ordered two 
bishops of Republican tendencies to resign their sees. Angered by this 
attempted interference on the part of the Pope, the government recalled its 
embassy from the Vatican and informed the Papal nuncio at Paris that his 
presence was superfluous. 

In January, 1905, the Combes ministry resigned, but that which followed 
under M. Rouvier pursued the same policy with regard to the church, and 
on December 6th the bill for the disestablishment of the church finally passed 
the senate. Under this law, the churches were separated from the state, 
members of all creeds were authorised to form associations for public worship, 
and the state was relieved from the payment of salaries. In January, 1906, 
the legal formality of taking inventories of church property began, and in 
many places the military had to be summoned to overcome the organised 
resistance to inspection. The general election of May resulted in the return 
of a large Republican majority. The Nationalists were badly defeated, and 
no doubt remained as to the country's approval of the Separation Law. In 
January, 1907, a supplementary law was passed, dealing with the situation 
created by the main act. 


The entente cordiale, or agreement with England, was one of the chief 
characteristics of this decade. The diplomatic seal was set to it by a visit 
of MM. Loubet and Delcass^ to London in 1903, and a convention with 
England in 1904, by which either power recognised respectively the other's 


[1001-1007 A.D.] 

predominance in Egypt and Morocco. This agreement was apparently 
accepted by Germany, and Prince Buelow explained to his critics in the 
Reichstag that German commercial interests were not menaced in Morocco. 
In 1905, however, Germany decided to intervene. Whatever was her aim in 
so doing, the motive generally credited to her was a desire to disturb the 
Anglo-French entente which M. Delcass^ had done so much to bring about. 
On March 31st the Emperor of Germany landed at Tangier and met the 
representatives of the Sultan of Morocco, whom he is believed' to have en- 
couraged in resistance to France. In response to this move. King Edward 
saw M. Loubet in Paris and subsequently visited Algiers. Exchange visits 
between the English and French fleets were also arranged. Buta furious 
attack on M. Delcass6 began in the German press and was carried on by 
German agents in France. War was hinted at if he were not removed, and 
it was even said that Germany's peace terms were already arranged. England 
was of course bound to support France in a quarrel arising out of the Anglo- 
French understanding, and, according to articles subsequently published in 
Le Matin, she expressed herself not only as ready to co-operate with her 
whole fleet, but also as prepared to land 100,000 men in Kiel harbour. The 
French government, however, resolved to remove M. Delcass6 on the ground 
that he had not notified the Anglo-French convention to Germany, and his 
place was taken by M. Rouvier, who entered on a series of concessions to 
Germany and agreed to a conference on the Morocco question. 

This conference met at Algeciras in January, 1906, its object being to 
discuss the question of reforms in Morocco. Although France and Germany 
were the nations most directly affected, yet the importance of the questions 
at issue naturally caused lively interest on the part of other European nations, 
especially England and Spain. The principal delegates were: For France, 
M. Revoil; for Germany, Herr von Radowitz and Count Tattenbach; for 
England, Sir Arthur Nicolson; for Spain, the Duke of Almovodar, who was 
chosen to preside; for Italy, the Marchese Visconti Venosta; for Austria, 
Count Welsersheimb; and for the United States, Mr. Henry White. 

The two subjects of dispute on which France and Germany were most 
opposed to each other were those of the organisation of the police, and, in a 
minor degree, of the State Bank. It was not until April 7th that an agree- 
ment on these questions was finally reached. The object of Germany in 
contending for the internationalisation of the police was to place France on 
the same level as other powers, and so to deprive her of her predominant 
position in Morocco. France, on the other hand, claimed a mandate to 
herself and Spain. Germany's final proposal, to which she held to the last 
moment, was the appointment of the suggested inspector of police in com- 
mand at Casablanca. This proposal, however, was resisted, not only by 
France and Spain, but by England and Russia, and on Austria's suggesting 
its withdrawal, Germany gave way; the concession of an internationally 
controlled State Bank being made to her in return. 

Thus the differences that had at one time threatened to develop into an 
open quarrel were settled. The "jiderstanding with England had been 
tested and found true, and though Germany had shown that she could 
effectually oppose such arrangements if made without her consent, she had 
nevertheless discovered that an aggressive policy on her part was not likely 
to be supported by any European power. 

Many evidences were shown during 1906 that the crisis had strengthened, 
instead of weakening, the entente. In February the London County Council 
paid a visit to the Municipal Council in Paris. In June King Edward visited 


[1901-1907 A.D.] 

the President on his journey to and return from Biarritz, and in October the 
Lord Mayor of London was enthusiastically received in Paris. Other signs 
of the movement were the reception of representatives of the French univer- 
sities in England, and the special invitation to Sir John French, the eminent 
British cavalry officer, to attend the French army mancsuvres. 


France also realised, since the Russo-Japanese War, the advantage of 
an entente with Japan for the maintenance of the territorial status quo in the 
Far East. After the war, France had felt some solicitude with regard to her 
colony of Indo-China, but through the efforts of French and Japanese diplo- 
matists all danger had passed. In WO? M. Pichon, the French foreign 
minister, thought that the moment was opportune for a definite agreement 
with Japan. It had been known for some time that such an agreement was 
in progress, but it was not until June 10th that it was finally signed. This 
was the complement, and, in a measure, the result of the Anglo-Japanese 
agreement of 1905, and, though not implying a formal alliance, was directed 
toward the same purpose, the maintenance of peace in the Far East; its 
main principle being respect for the independence and integrity of China. 
The agreement was well received in Russia, where a similar convention with 
Japan was subsequently entered upon. At the same time some desire was 
shown for a detente — to use Prince Buelow's expression during an interview 
in July, 1907 — a slackening of the old strained relations with Germany. The 
Kaiser's words of welcome to M. Jules Cambon, the new French ambassador 
in Berlin, and the latter's visit to Prince Buelow at Norderney, were especially 
noticeable as tending in this direction. 


The sequel to the Dreyfus case culminated on July 12th, 1906, when the 
Cour de Cassation, after a long investigation, finally and completely exon- 
erated Major Dreyfus of all the charges brought against him. The contrast 
between the attitude shown towards Dreyfus in 1899 and 1906 was char- 
acteristic of the French people. He was now reinstated in the army, received 
by President FaUieres, and appointed a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour. 
Nor were his two champions of 1899 forgotten. Colonel Picquart was re- 
stored to the active list. It was too late to do anything for Emile Zola, but 
as a posthumous honour his remains were transferred to the Pantheon. 


On January 17th, 1906, M. Clement Armand FaUieres was chosen presi- 
dent to succeed M. Loubet. The retiring president had won the respect of 
the world by his sterUng qualities, and his term of office was m<irked by 
national progress. In it there had been a decided reaction from militarism, 
as is evidenced by the fact that in 1904 the length of the term of miUtary 
service was shortened to two years, and that the idea of a revanche on Ger- 
many occupied much less attention than formerly. In fact, France was 
seldom in a more contented, sane, and wholesome condition than when, 
under her worthy peasant-president, she devoted her best efforts to extending 
and sohdifying her prosperity. 


[1901-1907 A.D.] 

During 1907 grave disturbances took place in the wine-growing districts 
of the south of France, owing to the distress caused by economic conditions. 
The over-production, arising from the increase of vineyards after the dis- 
appearance of the phylloxera, had combined with the free import of the 
Algerian product to make the wine of the H^rault district almost unsaleable. 
But the peasantry considered that the cause of their miseries was to be found 
in the adulteration of wine and the manufacture of artificial wine by means 
of sugar — malpractices which they suspected were carried on in the district. 
In May disturbances broke, out at Narbonne, at B6ziers, and at Perpignan. 
Agitation was set on foot against the government, under the lead of a wine- 
grower, M. Marcellin Albert; threats were held out of resisting the payment 
of all taxes until the government had applied some remedy, and there was 
even some wild talk of setting up a rival republic in the south. 

On May 23rd the government adopted a bill against adulteration, but the 
disturbances continued. In June many southern mayors resigned, all admin- 
istrative employees were compelled to cease work, and the non-payment of 
taxes was threatened. This direct challenge to the central government led 
to a conflict between M. Clemenceau, who in the preceding October had 
formed a new ministry, and the committee of Argeliers. Legal proceedings 
were instituted against many of the latter, and troops were sent against the 
revolted districts, but the danger was increased by the disaffection which 
existed among many regiments. On June 28th, however, the bill for the 
suppression of adulteration was finally passed. The revolt had been weakened 
meantime by the fall of M. Marcellin Albert from popular favour, and by July 
the measures taken for enforcing the law had almost restored peace. 


In spite of the Franco-Spanish demonstration in December, considerable 
hostility was manifested by the natives towards French subjects in Morocco 
during the early part of 1907, culminating in the murder of Dr. Mauchamp, 
a French physician, in Marakhesh, on March 24th. This murder caused 
much indignation in France, where it was broadly hinted that the fanatics 
had been encouraged to rely on German support. The French government 
immediately issued a list of demands, including the punishment of Dr. 
Mauchamp's murderers and the payraent of an indemnity, and announced 
its intention of occupying Ujda until those demands should be complied 
with. The sultan issued ambiguous proclamations with the intention of 
gaining time, but the firm attitude of France ensured the granting of practi- 
cally all her demands. 

But France's troubles in Morocco were not yet by any means over; 
in July the anti-European, or rather anti-French, feeling was again 
exemplified in an attack on Europeans in Casablanca, ostensibly arising 
from opposition to the construction of a harbour, but really due to religious 
fanaticism, in which eight members of various nationalities were killed. A 
naval expedition was immediately sent out under Admiral Philibert, which 
proceeded to bombard Casablanca. Later, the French government presented 
a note to the powers, stating what had been done, and explaining what 
further measures had been decided upon, showing the necessity of organising 
the police force in Morocco, and affirming the determination of France to 
maintain the authority of the sultan and the integrity of his empire. 


[1901-1908 A.D.] 

But there was a peculiar difficulty about France's task. While the 
in,terests of other nations were in her keeping, notably of the British, whose 
loss of property in Casablanca had been severe, yet there was a danger that 
the advance from the coast of a body of troops strong enough to prove an 
adequate defence might be construed by unfriendly critics as exceeding the 
terms of the Act of Algeciras. The gravity of the situation was made manifest 
by General Drude's urgent demand for additional troops on August 21st; it 
having been repeatedly stated throughout the month that no reinforcements 
would be necessary. The British colony in Tangier petitioned the British 
government for the protection of a warship; stating that the French and 
Spanish arrangements were inadequate. It was also evident from reports that 
there had not been hearty co-operation between the French and Spanish 
troops, although an official contradiction was given to the statement that they 
had differed on the question of an expedition into the interior. The difficulty 
was increased by the lawless state of the country. Mulei Hafid, the sultan's 
brother, was set up as a rival sultan in Marakhesh, while the pretender ruled in 
the north-eastern part of the kingdom. In addition to these opponents of the 
legitimate authority, the brigand chief Raisuli exercised practically sovereign 
power in the neighbourhood of Tangier, and several fanatics wandered about 
the country proclaiming a holy war. Although Mulei Hafid and his brother 
were both reported to be favourable to Europeans, yet it was plain that each 
depended for his success on siding with the great mass of the people on the 
question of a religious war, which meant a general war on Christians and Jews. 

During August there was occasional skirmishing around Casablanca, and 
on September 3d several thousand Moors fanatically charged the French 
troops and their native allies, but were repulsed with great slaughter. A few 
days later General Drude drove the enemy out of a camp six miles from the 
city. Discouraged by their defeats, several tribes sued for peace. Others 
continued the struggle, and on October 19th another conflict occurred. Nego- 
ciations were entered into with the sultan, but, owing to the rival authorities, 
aeace and quiet are not yet restored." 


Wkittbn Spbcllllt fob the Present Wobk 

Member of the Institute 


DuBiNG the period that was ushered in by the fall of Napoleon I, if a 
social question existed it was no longer an agrarian-social question as had 
been the case in the past — it was above all a question of labour. The tillers 
of the soil had at last come into realisat'on of the hopes and dreams of so many- 
centuries; the land belonged to them freely, fully, without any biu-den of 
rents or taxes beyond that whicn was necessary for the public support. Thus 
rural democracy became what it wiH long remahi, the most truly conserva- 
tive of the nation's elements. 

The great importance of the labour question may be accurately estimated 
by a glance over the field of mdustry from which we wUl cull a few figures 
to obtain a correct idea of the progress made. 

In 1815 the imited French industries did not consume more than a mil- 
lion tons of coal; in 1831 the quantity had increased to two millions and in 
1847 to seven and a half millions. 

In 1829 France produced 205,243 tons of brass, 145,519 of iron, and 4,914 
of steel; in 1847 these figures had increased respectively to 472,412, 276,253, 
and 7,130. Thus in twenty-two years the production had not quite doubled. 

In 1815 the use of machines in the different branches of industry had not 
become general, textile industries being practised among families in the home 
rather than in factories. In the manufacture of cotton fabrics but ten mil- 
lion kilogrammes of raw cotton were consumed; inetallurgic industries were 
still in a primitive state, scarcely any fuel but wood being used in the manu- 
facture of brass and of articles of iron ware. 

Th6 most marked development is to be observed diu-mg the thirty-three 
years from 1815 to 1847. In the latter year the cotton industries consimied 
55,000,000 kilogrammes of raw cotton, and employed 116,000 looms and 
3,500,000 spindles; they produced to the value of 416,000,000 francs. The 
consumption of wool increased from 46,500,000 kilogrammes in 1812 to 
89,000,000. Philippe de Girard left France in 1815, having lost all hope of 
ever being able to introduce the machine for spinning flax that he had in- 
vented; twenty years later the manufacture of linen employed 200,000 
spindles, 40,000 of which were in the department of the north. Similarly 
the Jacquard machine was not taken into use until 1827 by the silk-mills 
of Lyons which twenty years later had arrived at full prosperity. The city 
alone employed both for spiiming and weaving 60,000 out of the 90,000 
looms contained in all France, 



In 1846 (the first year concerning which any reliable statistics exist) the 
urban population of France comprised only 8,646,743 inhabitants, or 24.4 
per cent, of the entire population. The remamder, more than three-quarters 
of the nation, composed agricultural France. 

Let us again take up for the present epoch certain of the figures already 
given. In 1897 the consumption of coal has increased to 37,000,000 tons 
or thirty-seven times what it was in 1815. In metals the production is 
2,484,000 tons of brass, 784,000 of iron, and 995,000 of steel; thus since 1848 
the production of brass and iron has doubled, that of steel has increased a 
hundredfold. In all other industries a corresponding advance is to be ob- 
served, our entire industrial production representing to-day a value of over 
15,000,000,000 francs. _ 

What has been the increase in urban population up to the present time? 
In 1896 there were 15,000,000 inhabitants of cities as against 23,487,000 
rural inhabitants, a proportion which had altered from 24.4 per cent, at the 
close of the parliamentary monarchy to 39.5 per cent.* Great cities which 
are the direct creations of industry have come into existence, such as Creusot, 
Saint Etienne, Roubaix, Tourcoing, towns which were formerly stagnant 
have revived to bustling activity, and lastly a large number of industrial 
plants have become established in the country, mostly by the side of water- 
falls whose power has enriched the national industries with another variety 
of fuel, "white coal." 

It becomes apparent from an iaspection of the foregoing figm-es that the 
social question pertaining to labour was of no more importance under the 
Restoration than at the time of the first constituent assembly; that it had 
risen to a certain prominence during the monarchy of July; that from 1848 
on it was destined to grow with great rapidity; that universal suffrage to- 
gether with free and obligatory education, by assuring workingmen a certain 
share of influence in public affairs, hastened the arrival of the time when 
the Utopian ideas in vogue among them, when their prejudices and their 
passions would all tend to dominate in the interior, eventually even in the 
exterior policy of France. 

Under the Restoration the working-classes as a body caused the govern- 
ment very little trouble, but individuallj' the workingmen were in a large 
part hostile to it. It cannot quite be said that they were republicans; rather 
the republicanism they professed was confounded with their worship for 
the "Little Corporal." During the reign of Napoleon the working-classes 
had had very little cause for satisfaction, but many of them had served in 
his armies, thus gaining the name of "veteran," and the glory of tne con- 
queror had swallowed up all memory of the legislator's harshness towards 

They detested the Bourbons, principally because the reigning dynasty 
was of that house, and because it seemed to lean with special confidence on 
the clergy. The law of 1814 which made obligatory Sunday rest (although 
they might have been idle Monday as well as Sunday), the law of 1816 abol- 
ishing divorce (they had not the slightest use for the institution of divorce), 
the law of 1826 upon sacrilege (notwithstanding that it was never put into 
effect), the interior "missions" organised by over-zealous priests and religious 
workers, but above aU the executions of the "four sergeants of LaRochelle," 

' Let us bear in mind that in England this proportion has for some time been reversed ; it 
is still reversed in Germany after the expiration of a quarter of a century. These two nations 
have become chiefly industrial ; France still remains a rural nation, and has cause to congratu- 
late herself on the fact. 


who have remained popular heroes to this day— these were the principal 
grievances of workingmen, particularly Parisian workingmen, against the 
governments of Louis XVIII and Charles X. It was possibly during this 
period that the popular mind received that decided bent towards blind and 
irrational anti-clericalism that has characterised it ever since, and that still 
leads it to the commission of the most dangerous follies. 

Sad State of the Working Classes 

French workingmen— particularly those of Paris — were to play a leading 
part in the battle of the trois Glorieuses which placed the younger branch 
of the house of Bourbon on the throne. For this branch itself the workman 
cared but little; he had bdieved the conflict to be in the cause of a Napoleon 
or of the republic: Louis Philippe was to him simply the king of the botu-- 
geois, that is to say of the employers. He had hoped much of this revolu- 
tion, but was soon to see that it had profited him but little; for the landed 
aristocracy had been substituted an industrial bourgeoisie, or rather the latter 
had been called to have a share in the power, and no notice at aU was taken 
of the "heroes of July," or the "people with the bare arms." 

Yet there was so much that could have been done for the workingman! 
Upon him fell the full weight of all the shocks, the disappointment, the sus- 
pense that mark the beginning of a great industrial transformation. He 
suffered from the introduction of machines which had for effect, before the 
great reparatory impulse set in, diminution in wages, the dismissal of many 
workmen, and utter ruin for the artisan who had set up in business for him- 
self. The troubles resulting from this cause in France cannot, however, be 
compared to the riots of the Luddites, or "machine breakers" in England, 
notably during the year 1816.' 

French manufactiu-ers, less experienced — consequently more timorous than 
those of to-day — showed a tendency to depress wages at the least appearance 
on the horizon of a menace of failure for their markets or of the establish- 
ment of a formidable rival. It was the workman who bore the brunt of this 
cruelly prudent policy, nor were any adequate measures taken to protect him 
against the accidents incident to labom*. In the factories defectively in- 
stalled machinery and in mines the almost total absence of ventilation, the 
rarity and ignorant use of the Davy lamp, the insufficient precautions taken 
against fire-damp resulted in a multitude of victims. 

The employer found it to his advantage to raise up competitors by the 
side of the workman Ln the latter's own wife and children, and no more limit 
was set to the work of women and children than to that of adult men. Some- 
times an entire family would exhaust its forces and destroy its health for 
a total gain that was only equivalent to the salary that the husband and 
father ought rightfully to have earned.^ In cotton-goods factories there 
were frequently to be seen children of six, even of five years working four- 
teen and fifteen hours together tying threads. 

In the great industrial centres the employer took no notice at aU of the 

' Spencer Walpole, History of England from 1815, vol. I, pp. 401-434. 

• ViUenn^, TablecM de I'Stat physique et moral des ouvriers employes dans les ma/nufactwres 
de coton, de laine et de soie, 3 vols., 1840. Jules Simon, L'Ouvriire, 1861 ; Le Travail, 1866 ; 
L'Ouwier de huit ans, 1867 . E. Levasseur, Eistoire des classes ouvriires en France depuis 1789, 
2 vols., 1867. See also publications of L'ofice du travail, founded in 1871, instituted by the 
ministry of commerce; particularly Statistique des graves; Les associations professionnelles 
ouvrieres; Statistique gSnSrale de la France ; Foisona industriels; Ligidatim ouvrike et 
sociale en Ausiralie et Nav/uelle ZMande, etc.] 


maimer in which his workmen were lodged. The families herded together 
in damp cellars, in garrets that were stifiingly hot or bitterly cold according 
to the season, in insalubrious dens that received neither air nor light and 
were provided with no conveniences whatever.^ A single room, sometimes 
a single bed was. the home of an entire family, and half of the new-bom chil- 
dren died before the age of fifteen months. There thus grew up a generation 
of working people feeble in mind and body, without morality or education — 
schools were in any case rare at that epoch; which represented just so much 
lost energy and power to France. 

Much of this suffering was caused by the indifference, one may say the 
inhumanity of the employers; but a large part also resulted from the neces- 
sity of utilising old,' tumble-down buildings, from the inevitable hazards and 
difficulties surrounding industries at their birth, from the over-rapid growth 
of these industries in France precluding amelioration in the conditions of 
either factory or home. That this is so is proved by the superior accommoda- 
tions provided for workmen in the new centres of industry in Alsace and in 
the north. There factory workers were lodged in clean, airy houses, as was 
likewise the case at Roubaix and Tourcoing. At Morvillars (Alsace) the 
employer rented to the employ^ for thirty-six francs a year a commodious 
apartment with a small garden attached. 

Under the old regime it had been common to compare the life of the 
French peasant with that of the negro in the colonies, and to esteem that the 
latter was the happier of the two; now it was the workers in cities who were 
given the name of "white negroes," and who in many respects would have 
been justified in envying their dark-skinned brothers to whom at least food, 
fresh air, sunlight, and the sight of sky and trees were free. 

In the main, however, the lot of the French workmen was the same as 
that of the workers in every great industrial country, particularly in England, 
where the investigation started by Thomas Sadler in 1831, having in view 
the limitation of hours of work for children, had revealed a horrible condition 
of things. 

Between the bourgeoise monarchy which seemed insensible to so much 
suffering and the sufferers themselves (the workers in the cities), strife could 
not fail to arise. 

Early Strikes and Revolts 

In October, 1831, the silk weavers of La Croix-Rousse at Lyons demanded 
an increase in wages. The prefect offered to mediate, an action for which he 
was afterwards bitterly censured by the oligarchy of employers. The mayor 
convoked an assembly of twenty-two delegates each from the workingmen 
and from the' employers, that a minimum tariff of wages might be fixed upon. 
The employers' delegates refused to make any concession, and after a meet- 
ing that followed, the weavers descended in a body from La Croix-Rousse and 
poured silently into the place de Bellecour and the square before the pre- 
fectiu-e. The prefect succeeded in inducing them to disperse, that the tariff 
might not seem to have been imposed by force. The weavers nevertheless 
signed the agreement: but the prefect having been disavowed by his govern- 
ment, the tariff was not put into effect. Immediately La Croix-Rousse rose 
in insurrection, erected barriers, and raised a black flag bearing the mscrip- 
tion, "We will live working or die fighting." The insurgents m a struggle of 

' The lodgings of this sort to be most severely condemned were : at Lille the Saint Sauveui 
quarter and the cellars of the rue des Etaques, at Mtilhausen the cellars of the ' ' white negroes, 
at Bouen the Martainville quarter, etc. 


two days (21s1>-22nd of November) repulsed the mtioiml guard, which did 
not make any great display of courage, forced General Roguet and the three 
thousand soldiers of the garrison to retreat, and for ten days remained ab- 
solute masters of Lyons. They committed no excesses — nay, even detailed 
some of their number to keep guard over the houses of the rich. On the 3rd 
of December they offered no resistance to the entrance of an enlarged body 
of troops headed by Marshal Soult and the duke of Orleans, eldest son of the 
king. The workmen were disarmed, the national guard was dismissed, and 
the tariff abolished. What especially characterised this first Lyons insior- 
rection was that politics, properly speaking, had absolutely no share in it; 
the movement from first to last revolved around a question of wages. 

It was different in Paris, where a aeries of insurrections burst forth, the 
most terrible of which were those of the 5th and 6th of June, 1832, on the 
occasion of the funeral of General Lamarque. These uprisings were the work 
of certain republican associations, secret or avowed, and the working people 
in general had but little share in them. Nevertheless it was the working 
people at whom the government aimed when it passed the law of 1834 on 
associations (26th of March). 

The month of April, 1834, was marked by agitation. Troubles arose at 
Saint Etienne, Grenoble,. Besangon, Arbois, Poitiers,- Vienne, Marseilles, 
Perpignan, Auxerre, Chdlon-sur-Saone, Epinal, Ltin^ville, Clermont-Ferrand, 
etc.; but the only really serious demonstrations were the second Lyons in- 
surrection and the new revolt in Paris. 

In Lyons a change had been brought about in the spirit of the working- 
classes by the operations of several secret societies. The question of wages 
was, as before, paramount; but it was no longer immingled with political 
feeling. A new idea had arisen for which to do battle, the republican idea. 
The news of the vote deciding the passage of the law on associations stirred 
the chiefs to declare revolt. This time the struggle lasted five days — from 
the 9th to the 13th of AprU. The workingmen of Lyons displayed a coin-age 
so desperate that at one time General Aymar thought seriously of retreat, but 
in the end the royal troops were victorious. 

The Lyons insurrection had not been completely quelled when, on the 
13th, broke forth in Paris the revolt that had the church and cloister of Saint 
Merri for its centre. Fighting continued the whole of that day and the next, 
but the movement was finally put down by the numerous force employed 
against it — forty thousand soldiers of the line and of the national guard. 

The explosions that shook simultaneously fifteen or twenty cities of 
France had for result the monster trial called " trial of the April offenders." 
The accused, to the number of 121, of whom 41 belonged to Paris and 80 to 
the departments, were arraigned before the chamber of peers, which was 
formed for the occasion into a high court, presenting a total of 88 judges. 

Utopian Philosophies 

A last echo of these conflicts was the law voted on the 9th of September, 
1835, concerning freedom of the press. From that time forth through a 
period of twelve years the monarchy enjoyed comparative peace without 
presage of the fresh revolution that was brewing, a revolution of a character 
both political and social. The political phase lasted but a single day, tiie 
24th of February; the second or social phase was of longer duration and of a 
nature more serious and sanguinary. The French workman, however, owed 
to the monarchy of July the law of March 22nd, 1841, on child labour in 


factories, aiming to protect the children of working people against both the 
weakness of their parents and the greed of employers. The principle of this 
protective measure was combated by Gay-Lussac who denounced it, in the 
nanie of the right of all to work and make contracts, as the beginning of 
" Saint-Simonism or Phalansterianism." His argimients were a succession of 
sophistries unworthy of a great mind and masking but imperfectly the ego- 
tistical spirit of resistance that animated employers. The law applied only 
to such industrial establishments as employed mechanical motive power or 
fires that were never allowed to go out, and gave occupation to twenty or 
more workers. It interdicted the employment in factories of children under 
twelve years of age; authorised elsewhere only eight hours of labour a day 
broken by a rest for children of from eight to twelve, twelve hours of labour 
from twelve to thirteen, and no night work at all for those under thirteen. 
Up to the age of twelve years the apprentice, in his leisure hoiu-s, was sup- 
posed to attend school. Legal sanction was given by a corps of inspectors 
who had the right to impose fines for any contravention on the part of em- 

It was under the monarchy of July that the crude and vague ideas of 
which labour socialism was composed began to assume some definite shape 
and to issue forth as systems. Saint-Simon, the author of the "New Chris- 
tianity," had died in 1825, but he left behind him a sort of lay congregation, 
the members of which practised obedience to a single chief, and the holding 
of all things in corrmion. They were called Saint-Simonians, and at one 
time under Enfantin engaged in the practice of mysteriously mystic rites, 
at another in conjunction with the financier Pereire and the economist Michel 
Chevalier set out to reform the entire economic world. In 1832 the Saint- 
Simonians, accused of having violated public morality, were arraigned be- 
fore the court of assizes, where they appeared in the full uniform of their 
sect (blue timic, white trousers, and varnished leather belt) ; three of their 
number, one of whom was the "father" Enfantin himself, were sentenced to 
a month's imprisonment. After that the "family" became "secularised" — 
that is, it dispersed. 

Other chiefs and other doctrines arose: Fourier, with his theory of the 
suppression of property and communal life in his Phalansteries; Cabet, with 
his dream of Icaria, the blessed isle whereon the state, sole proprietor, pro- 
ducer, and dispenser, was to lay down for its subjects their daily tasks, to 
prescribe the cut of their garments and the menu of their repasts; Pierre 
Leroux, with his books on Equality and Humanity, in which mysticism was 
blended with socialism; Louis Blanc, who in his Labour Organisation (1844) 
advised the state's absorption of all agricultural property and industrial 
establishments. These various theories shared one trait in common: they 
all professed communism or collectivism, which simply means suppression 
of proprietary rights and of individual initiative. 

Proudhon departs radically from this idea. Like the other theorists he 
objects to individual holding of property and sums up his views in a. phrase 
borrowed from Brissot de Warville, one of the most illustrious of Girondins: 
"What is property? It is theft." Ownership is unjust because it creates 
inequality, equahty is exact justice. _ But Proudhon opposes communism 
with equal energy; according to him it is contrary to the primordial as well 
as to the noblest instincts of humanity. 

He would not only do away altogether with state intervention, even 
where the state is communistic — he demands the total abolition of the state, 
of its diplomacy, its armies, its frontiers. The principle he advocates is 


an-archy in the etymological sense of the word, that is to say the suppression 
of all authority save that of the father. The only social force that he admits 
is the force that springs from the free association of workingmen. 

The sincere and ardent republicans who, on the 24th of February, formed 
the provisory government, promised to assure the workingman, to whose 
courage was due the success of the Revolution, an improved position in 
society. They conferred upon him the right of suffrage and free admission 
into the national guard, which was thus changed from a body of fifty or sixty 
thousand men to one of two hundred thousand. 

In restoring absolute Eberty of association and of the press, the provisory 
government made two very dangerous gifts to the excitable and profoundly 
ignorant Parisian workingmen who, in consequence of the general perturbation 
caused by the sitting of February 24th, found themselves suddenly without 
work. Idleness and want made them accept as the wisest counsels the 
seditious utterances of the newspapers and of the demagogues at the clubs. 

As early as the 25th of February a crowd of armed workmen bearing 
the red flag as symbol of republican socialism assembled at the H6tel-de- 
Ville. It required all Lamartine's eloquence to induce them to discard their 
unworthy emblem and raise in its place the tricolour, which had already 
made the " tour of the world." ^ 

The situation of the workers soon assumed an aspect too serious to admit 
of any delay in providing relief. But was it possible to succour all the suffer- 
ing toilers who were deprived of work? The attempt was made. Orders were 
given to the bakers and butchers to supply with bread and meat any of the 
armed citizens who had a requisition from their chief. All the articles pledged 
at the Mont-de-Pi6t6 since February 1st upon which had been advanced a 
loan of not over ten francs were to be returned to their former owners. The 
palace of the Tuileries was thrown open to receive invalided workmen, and 
the government proposed to "restore to the workingmen, to whom they 
rightfully belonged, the million francs that were about to fall due from the 
civil list." To these acts of gross flattery towards the men of the people were 
added declarations of the utmost gravity. The government took upon itself 
to "guarantee the existence of the workman by means of work," that is to 
"guarantee work to every citizen." Twenty-four battalions of "mobile 
national guard" were created, each soldier of which was to receive a daily 
pay of thirty sous. At the same time were opened the " national workshops" 
which cost enormous simis to support and which completed the demoralisa- 
tion of the artisan by exacting from him a merely nominal return in work 
for a daily wage of one and a half or two francs. Also followers of the finer 
crafts, such as jewellers, clockmakers, engravers, etc., were frequently to be 
seen spoiling the delicacy of their hands by pushing a wheelbarrow or digging 

The National Workshops and Their Consequences 

The government determined to effect still more. It instituted in the 
palace of the Luxembourg " a governmental conmiission" for working people, 
of which several workmen were elected members, and which was given a 
president and vice-president ui the persons of two members of the govern- 
ment, Louis Blanc and the workman Albert. Louis Blanc in addition to 
his other duties undertook to explain to the workers just what was meant 

[' Concerning Lamartine, the politician, a very interestine book appeared in 1903 by M. 
Pierre Quentin-Bauchart.j 


by the "organisation of labour." Thus by lectures and fine speeches the 
government sought to make the people forget their miseries. 

The many secret societies and professional demagogues (Blanqui, Barb^s, 
and F^lix Pyat had already made for themselves a wide reputation) profited 
by the inexperience of the labouring classes and drew them into all sorts of 
dangerous manifestations. Such for instance was the movement of the 17th 
of March, which demanded the withdrawal of the troops from Paris, and 
that of the 16th of April, so menacing for the government that it ordered 
out the national guard into the square before the H6tel-de-ViUe. The work- 
ingmen, incited by their leaders to mingle in matters that did not concern or 
even interest them, were beginning to make of themselves an intolerable 
nuisance, while the Bonapartist or royalist agents that took an activfe part in 
their manifestations constituted a grave peril to the republic. 

Another source of danger, and one that threatened more seriously day by 
day, was the workshops. In the beginning the number of workers they con- 
tained was but a few thousand; a short time after, the total had risen to 
110,000. The strikes, encouraged by the commission of the Luxembourg, 
multiplied without any apparent reason; the participants doubtless pre- 
ferred the dolce far niente of the national workshops to any serious toil else- 
where. Instead of breaking up these workshops into groups more or less 
widely distant from each other, their director, Emile Thomas, allowed them ' 
to become concentrated in the single district that to-day forms the Pare 
Monceau. He had instituted in these workshops an almost military discipline 
and organisation. By such measures the government hoped to raise up for 
itself a great power of defence; but it was soon found that the vast assemblages 
of workmen furnished nearly all the recruits for the popular manifestations. 

When the constituent assembly came together (the 4th of May) the 
gravity of the situation was revealed to it by the audacious action of the 
labour leaders. On the 15th of May, under pretext of presenting a petition 
on behalf of Poland — many workmen believed that that very evening a relief 
expedition was to be imdertaken in favour of the "France of the North" — a 
mass of people, nearly two thousand imarmed men, led by Blanqui, Raspail, 
Quentin, Huber, and Sobrier, made irruption into the assembly. Huber 
proclaimed it to be dissolved. After that the rioters were expelled without 
bloodshed by the mobile guard. They proceeded at once to the H6tel-de- 
Ville, but were dispersed by Lamartine, who followed them at the head of 
the mobile guard. 

The assembly showed less disposition to forgive this criminal aggression 
than had the governments of the H6tel-de-Ville. It proceeded at once to 
close several clubs, decreed the arrest of Barbfe, Blanqui, Sobrier, Quentin, 
and even Albert, the former member of the provisory government. It broke 
with Louis Blanc, and made minister of war a tried republican and valiant 
African general, Eugene Cavaignac. Lastly it formed a commission solely 
to investigate the matter of the national workshops and render a report. 

Unfortunately the person charged with making this report was one of the 
most ardent members of the legitimist and clerical Eight, the apologist of 
the terrible pope-inquisitor Pius V, and future author of the law of 1850 on 
public instruction, Alfred de Falloux. The assembly, acting on blind im- 
pulse, adopted his conclusions. It displayed as great an inexperience in 
closing the national workshops as that revealed by the governments of the 
H6tel-de-Ville in creating them and allowing them to develop. It had not, 
however, the excuse of the latter in the eyes of posterity— their profound 
pity for the sufferings of the people. 


One circumstance which was certain to produce bloodshed in Paris was 
the precipitate haste of the enemies of the national workshops in carrying out 
their measures of repression. On the 29th of May, by means of an arbitrary 
warrant that recalls the lettres de cachet, Emile Thomas was arrested and 
taken to Bordeaux. 

The watchword of the reactionists was "An end must be made at once." 
In his report Falloux, with odious h3^ocrisy, denounced the national work- 
shops as the agency which had worked the "saddest deterioration in the 
character formerly so pure and glorious of the Parisian workman." 

On the 22nd of June a decree, pubhshed in Le Moniteur and signed by 
Minister Goudchaux, declared that "all workmen between the ages of seven- 
teen and twenty-five must on the following day enlist in the army under pain 
of being refused admission to the workshops." On the 23rd barricades were 
erected all over the city and firing commenced. Eugene Cavaignac, "chief 
of the executive power," was in supreme command, having imder him several 
of the ablest and bravest generals of the African service. The battle between 
the workmen and the regular state forces raged with unparalleled fury for 
four whole days; the troops had the task of tearing down himdreds of bar- 
ricades. On the 25th General Damesme was fatally wounded, the generals 
Brea and de Negrier were assassinated, and Monseigneur Affre, archbishop 
of Paris, was killed. 

The assembly now saw the mistake it had committed and voted three 
millions for the relief of needy workmen; the greater part of the insurgents, 
however, never even heard of the measure. The struggle ended on the 26th 
by the bombardment and captm-e of the faubourg St. Antoine. The work- 
men of this quarter had taken up arms on hearing the rumour that the royal- 
ists were attacking the republic; what was their surprise to see the troops, 
the national guard, the mobile guard — the latter composed entirely of work- 
men—all scaling the barricades to cries of " Vive la r^puUique." During that 
series of wretched misunderstandings which have come down to us as the 
"days of June," French blood was shed in streams. There were in all six or 
seven thousand wounded. The government troops, which went imcovered 
to the attack of the barricades, behind which were sheltered the insurgents, 
counted fifteen hundred dead, and among them seven generals. The in- 
surgents lost but half that mmiber. Of the rebels who were taken captive, 
3,376 were transported to Algeria, where many of them founded colonies.^ 

The recognition of the "right to work" and the faulty organisation of 
the national workshops have cast a great weight of blame on the memory 
of the provisory government; but still severer condemnation attaches to 
the assembly and to those political intriguers who made it do their wiU; 
who showed themselves so woefully ignorant of the psychology of the mass 
of workers, and so forgetful of their devotion on the 24th of February. 

It was the republic that had to suffer by the mistakes made on every 
side. The remembrance of the "days of June" had due weight on the occa- 
sion of the presidential election on the 10th of December, 1848. The name 
of Louis Napoleon was cast into the urn by citizens eager for peace, and by 
workingmen who hoped to obtain through the nephew of the first emperor, 
through the author of L'Extinction du paupirisme, a signal revenge. 

[' Alexandre Quentin-Bauchart, Rapport de la Commission d'enquSte sur U IB Mai et 
Vinsurredion de Juin, 1848. 3 vols, in 4. See also the apologies of fimile Thomas, Histoire 
des ateliers nationaux, 1850. Eistoires de la Bholution de I84S, which are likewise apologies, 
by Lamartine, Qarnier-PagSs, and Louis Blanc] 


The Working Classes under Louis Napoleon 

_ The two republican assemblies, the constituent and the legislative, were 
neither of them capable of offering a final solution to the labour problem; 
the first because of its brief term of existence, the second because of its in- 
ternal divisions and over-conservative tendencies. The laws they passed 
were merely those of the 18th of Jime, 1850, on superannuation funds; of 
the 15th of July, 1850, on mutual aid societies ; and of the 22nd of February, 
1851, abolishing certain limitations — a survival of the old regime — to the 
number of apprentices. The law of the 27th of November, 1849, on coali- 
tions of working people simply reproduces certain provisions of the Penal 
Code of Napoleon. The humiliating formality of the livret and Article 1,781 
of the Civil Code were also allowed to remain in force. 

Moreover, both republican assemblies, but especially the legislative, which 
more directly felt the pressure of the Napoleonic executive power, had de- 
parted widely from the principles of well-nigh absolute liberty promised 
by the provisory goverimient as the foundation of the new republic. The 
constituent assembly by the enactment of July 28, 1848, which aimed partic- 
ularly at secret societies, restricted liberty of meeting and association, and 
the legislative interdicted, for a period of time which was afterwards renewed, 
all clubs and public meetings. It did not venture, however, to re-enforce 
either Article 291 of the Penal Code or the law of 1834. 

About the same course was pursued in regard to freedom of the press. 
That a stop might be put to the multiplication of subversive journals the 
constituent assembly redemanded the former security; then it pronounced 
penalties against writers who should attack any of the existing institutions — 
the national assembly, the executive power, the constitution, property-rights, 
the principles of universal suffrage or the sovereignty of the people, liberty 
of worship, the family, etc. The- legislative reissued almost all the provi- 
sions of the law of 1835, then re-established the stamp-tax in addition to the 
obligatory security. 

Finally the legislative committed the supreme foUy of exacting, in the 
law of May 31, 1850, not six months' but three years' residence as qualification 
for the right to vote, which was virtually to exclude the whole body of work- 
ingmen, forced as they are by the exigencies of laboin- to frequent changes of 
habitation. Thus the assembly struck an annihilating blow at the very- 
system to which it owed its existence, universal suffrage. No enemy ani- 
mated by the most perfidious designs could have counselled it to a more 
self-destructive act. The proclamation of the usurper-president had now, 
in order to make sure of the workingmen's neutrality, but to include this 
simple declaration: "Universal suffrage is again established." 

To sum up, the republic — provisory goverrmient or assembly — had given 
so little satisfaction to the masses of the people whether urban or rural, had 
fallen so far short of fulfilling, not their dreams but their most legitimate 
hopes, that it was an easy matter for any new rule, however autocratic, to 
establish its sway over them. The act of perjury and the massacres in which 
this dawning power took its rise might render inimical to it a certain high 
element among the people ; it none the less succeeded in flattering the inter- 
ests and thereby gaining the sympathies of the great majority of the nation. 

Its first display of ability was in recognising that it was above aU a gov- 
ernment of universal suffrage and that its most pressing need was to con- 
•iliate the masses. All new laws must be framed with these facts in -view; 

H. W.— VOI<. 2UI. F 


they were the kej'-note that dominated the policy both at home and abroad. 
For how, if universal suffrage had not existed in France, could they have 
instituted a plebiscite before taking possession of Savoy and Nice, and have 
demanded of the king Victor Emmanuel that he confirm by a plebiscite his 
Italian conquests? 

The rule that followed upon the coup d'etat, bearing first the name of 
decennial presidency, then that of empire, had the support of the rural classes, 
which the provisory government had alienated by establishing the impost of 
45 centimes — that is, increasing direct taxation by 45 per cent. It was easy 
enough for Napoleon III to win the favour of village inhabit;ants by building 
dwellings for the mayors, erecting churches, and cutting new parish roads; 
and to capture their suffrage by means of a cleverly executed system of 
official candidateship. A series of fuU crops and harvests completed the 
general well-being in the country, and the superstitious peasant was inclined 
to attribute all to the magic name of Napoleon. Even now old inhabitants 
love to recall the times when grain and cattle "sold so high." 

Napoleon III also rendered inestimable services to the workers in cities; in 
him indeed may be seen the organiser, hesitating at times, without full knowl- 
edge of the work he was accomplishing, of that great power, urban democ- 
racy. His autocratic rule brought to realisation what none of the liberal 
monarchies or republican assemblies had even dared to attempt. The nephew 
of the great emperor in his law of the 25th of May, 1864, struck out of the 
Code Napoleon Articles 414, 415, and 416 which interdicted coalitions, abro- 
gated at the same time the law of 1849 and put an end to a system which 
forced the tribunals to judge each year an average of seventy-five trials re- 
sulting from strikes. The new law recognised the right of workingmen to 
concert for the purpose of obtaining an increase of wages, and to make use 
of the means most effectual for this end, the strike. It punished only those 
offences which brought about simultaneous cessation- of labour by means of 
acts of violence, menace, or fraud. The government made it a point of 
honour to protect as fully the labourer's right to cease work as his right to 
work. Freedom so imrestrained might become, according to the use it was 
given in the hands of workingmen, either a powerful instnmient for their 
material improvement or the most dangerous weapon that was ever turned 
against both themselves and the industries of the nation. Was it to be hoped 
that they would always use it wisely? Led away by the ardour of pohtical 
feeling, they were frequently guilty of unwarrantable acts that brought them 
into violent contact with the public authorities charged with protecting 
liberty of labour. From such encounters resulted sanguinary episodes like 
that of the Ricamarie "massacre" (1869), in which were killed eleven persons, 
two of whom were women. 

By the law of the 2nd of August, 1868, the government abrogated Article 
1,781 of the Civil Code. In 1854 more timidity had been shown, as for in- 
stance when the livret was insisted upon with greater rigour, and it was ob- 
ligatory upon each new employer to have it endorsed by the police. The 
evils resulting from this practice becoming more apparent as time went on, 
an inquiry was ordered in 1869, which was about to end in the suppression of 
the livret when the Franco-Prussian War broke out. Hospitals were multi- 
plied for the labouring classes, and asylums for infants and old people. The 
empress took under her especial patronage all these works of public charity, 
and one of the asylums on the Seine was given the name of Prince Imperial. 

The species of popularity which Napoleon III enjoyed among Parisian 
workingmen was founded on the abimdance of work provided by the recon- 


struction of a large part of the capital by Haussmaim, the prefect of the 
Seine. The people were fond of saying in presence of this gigantic haicss- 
mannisation, "When the building trade flourishes everything goes well." 
The number of workmen employed in building alone was almost doubled — 
71,240 instead of 41,600. The total number of labourers employed in all the 
twenty districts of Paris had increased from 342,530 to 416,811, of which 
285,861 were men, and the rest were women, girls, and yoimg boys. Besides 
these, 42,028 people were employed in the public establishments and by the 
great companies, 26,242 were sub-contractors, and 62,199 were engaged in 
work on their own account. The whole made up an army of more than 
500,000 Parisian workers. 

The labour delegates that the emperor had allowed to be sent to the 
Universal Exhibition of London in 1863 noted the liberty enjoyed by the 
English labourers, and studied the working of their trade unions. Some 
returned affiliated to the dangerous International Association of Workingmen; 
others, more practical, merely brought back a deep veneration for the prin- 
ciples of mutuality. In the report of the typographers is to be read : " Asso- 
ciation is the truest and most efficacious method of promoting the peaceful 
and progressive emancipation of the working-classes." Moreover, the in- 
fluence was widely felt in France of the siiccess obtained in Germany by 
Schulze-Delitzsch, who had created the workmen's mutual credit system 
and the people's banks. Soon in every part of France — naturally with the 
authorisation of the government — co-operative societies in the fields of con- 
sumption, production, and credit began to multiply. The progress of the 
urban working-classes was also shown by the great number of mutual aid 
societies that arose among them: five years after the passage of the law of 
July 15th, 1850, there were no less than 2,695 of these associations. 

In 1853 the manufacturer Jean DoUfus of Miilhausen founded the Miil- 
hausen Society of Labour Settlements, which not only assured the workman 
comfortable and salubrious quarters, but permitted him to own his home 
after the lapse of a few years by the payment of a small sum annually. This 
example was shortly followed in every part of France. 

The Commune of 1871 

The fall of the second empire, occurring as it did when a foreign war was 
at its height, was preceded and followed by revolutionary movements. After 
war had been declared it was found necessary all over the country, in order 
to supply the deficiency of troops of the line, to muster in the "mobile guards," 
the "mobilised troops," and the "national guard," which altogether made 
up a force that held discipline in contempt and, being also without military 
training or instruction, could render effective service — glorious service it was 
sometimes — only in case of siege. 

In Paris, especially, nothing had been accomplished save to organise an 
armed conflict between political opinions of the bitterest and most fervid 
character. Those members of the "government of the national defence" 
who remained shut up in Paris soon had an opportimity to distinguish be- 
tween the "good battalions" and the "bad battalions.' ^ The latter were 
in general quite as active in opposing the German invasion as the others, but 
imder all their patriotism lay the ulterior purpose of making the republic 
that was proclaimed on September 4th, and acknowledged throughout France, 

' Depositions before the committee investigating the acts of the government of the national 
defence, preceded hy the leport of the Count Daiu. 


a socialistic republic. Many of these "bad battalions" were under the direct 
influence of leaders who had gained fame in previous revolutions, Blanqui, 
F^lix Pyat, or certain new demagogues who, with the exception of Flourens 
or Delescluze, were for the most part unknown. Among the "bad battal- 
ions" there were many "worse" ones, for example those of Belleville who 
tore up the flag given them to raise on their march towards the enemy, but 
who were always in the lead when any rioting took place.' 

In reality the famous "commune" existed when Paris was still in a state 
of siege. The events of October 1st, 1870, when the government was penned 
up for fourteen hours in the H6tel-de-Ville by riots which fortunately ter- 
minated without bloodshed, also those of the 22nd of January, 1871, when 
firing broke out in the square of the H6tel-de-Ville between the "mobiles" 
of Brittany and the 101st battalion of the national guard, were all the work 
of the commune. 

After Paris had capitulated, nearly one himdred thousand men belonging 
to the well-to-do classes, hence to the "good battalions," hurried to rejoin their 
families and the field was left free to the revolutionists, who imtil then had 
not been in the majority. It was at this juncture that they assumed the 
name of "federates." Upon the temper of this populace possessing 450,000 
rifles, 2,000 cannon, and innumerable stores of powder, upon the spirit of men, 
already tried by the sufferings of the siege — sufferings that had resulted in 
enormous infant mortality — and a prey to the hallucinations of the "siege 
fever," and of patriotism exasperated by defeat, a number of incidents that 
now took place acted with disastrous effect. On the 1st and 2nd of March 
the Parisians saw the German troops march, according to the terms of capitu- 
lation, from the Arc de Triomphe to the garden of the Tuileries; they also 
had reason to believe that the national assembly, now in session at Bordeaux, 
was acting disloyally to the republic, and learned on the arrival of the repre- 
sentatives at Versailles that the royalist majority had received with violent 
hostility the complaints of the Paris mayors. 

Finally, the dearest interests of all were attacked when the assembly gave 
forth that the notes which had been allowed to lapse through the whole dura- 
tion of the siege were now demandable within forty-eight hours, such a decision 
being equivalent to paralysing Parisian commerce and plunging its leaders 
into bankruptcy. The episode of the cannon of Montmartre on March 18th 
caused the insurrection to burst forth with a fury that resulted in the shameful 
assassination of two generals. The revolutionists of Lyons rose at the same 
time and assassinated the prefect of Loire, and in Marseilles the riots were 
not put down without much bloodshed. M. Thiers resolved to evacuate 
Paris that he might obtain possession of it again the more surely. Though 
justifiable from a strategic point of view, this kction virtually delivered Paris 
over to the tyranny of mob rule, with all its attendant chances of piUage, 
burning — perhaps even of total destruction. 

Taking up his position at Versailles with a body of troops, small at first 
but growing in number as the prisoners from Germany returned, M. Thiers 
for two months held Paris in a state of siege, visiting terrible reprisals on 
those "communard" battalions which ventured out into the plain. On the 
21st of May the Versailles troops took by surprise the gate of Saint Cloud 
and poured into Paris; after which commenced the "week of blood" or the 
"battle of seven days," which as far exceeded in horror the terrible days of 
June, 1848, as the latter surpassed the uprisings of 1831, 1832, and 1834. 

[' Jules Ferry, deposition before the committee of investigation on the IStli of March, 1871, 
reproduced in vol. 1, page 549, of his Diaeowa et (ypimoni.] 


The "proletariat" manifested its new-found power in an ever-growing thirst 
for destruction. The whole centre of Paris — Legion of Honour, court of 
Accounts, Tuileries, Ministry of Finance, Palais Royal, Palais de Justice, 
Prefecture of PoUce, and H6tel-de-Ville, that marvel of the Renaissance — 
formed but one cauldron; everywhere insurgents of both sexes were going 
about making use of petroleum. The cannon of the Versailles artillery and 
those of the communards opened fire on each other from one quarter to 
another of the very heart of Paris. Unable to hold out longer, the commune 
ordered the massacre of the "hostages," among whom were the archbishop of 
Paris, Monseigneur Darboy, and the president, Bonjean. The last of the 
federates were finally crushed among the tombs of Pere-Lachaise. 

Of the members of the commune, Delescluze had found death on a barri- 
cade, Jacques Durand and Varlin had been executed, the ferocious Raoul 
Rigault had been killed by a pistol in the hands of a policeman, and five 
others had received wounds. All the rest had taken to flight. 

It was upon the poor devils, the himible members of the various national 
guards who were for the most part unwitting instruments, that the punish- 
ment fell most heavily. Seventeen thousand of these participants perished 
during or after the combat, and 37,000 were driven on foot through torrid 
heat to Versailles, where they were arraigned before a comicil of war. This 
trial resulted in 26 executions, 3,417 deportations, 1,247 detentions, 332 
-banishments, 251 condemnations to penal servitude, and 4,873 diverse pen- 
alties. " Paris has cruelly expiated the error into which it was plimged by 
certain guilty and irresponsible men; surely after the sufferings endured and 
the heroism displayed during the siege the city did not deserve a destiny 
so hard." ^ 

For more than two months the commune ruled supreme over one of the 
greatest capitals of the world, and to this day the collectivists, the anarchists, 
the unruly, and the lawless of every country on the globe celebrate that brief 
triumph as the most splendid manifestation of the power of the people that 
the world has ever seen. 

It cannot be denied that the commune was guilty of monstrous crimes. 
To offset these crimes, what social ideals did it realise, what doctrines or 
plans of reform did it hand down to posterity, what guiding signs did it 
place along the route of succeeding generations or what foundations lay 
ready for the future constructions of humanity? The truth is that the com- 
mune distinguished itself for nothing so much as a complete dearth of ideas, 
a prodigious inability to do anything but repeat certain terrorist proceedings 
of '93, to strut about under the same stripes and dignities as those worn by 
the citizen-governors. The "central committee of the commune" was made 
up in the beginning of very ordinary individuals, who were obscm-e at the 
time of their selection and remained so even while wielding a power that 
was practically unlimited. Bound together by no common ties and for the 
most part grossly ignorant, these men had not even a true conception of the 
principles they represented; hence were utterly incapable of arranging, either 
singly or in concert, any plan for united action. 

The central committee was supposed to consist of a hundred members, 
but rarely did more than twenty or thirty come together at a sitting. "The 
records of these meetings reveal the strange body to have been after aU little 
more than a makeshift; instability is always apparent, as well as great con- 
fusion and a lack of sequence in ideas. Certain successful candidates suddenly 

* Gabriel Hanotaux (former minister of foreign afEairs), Sistoire de la France contemporaine, 
vd. I, Paris, 1908. 


relinquished membership, others abstained from attending any of the sittings, 
while yet other individuals, without having been elected, presented themselves 
in company with a friend and took part in the deliberations until a comjjlaint 
was made and both were expelled." ' 

An all-powerful commune (using the word in its true sense), holding 
universal sway by virtue of the terror it inspired, demanding of all provi- 
sions, bravery, and wiUing arms, was a legend rather than a fact. In reality 
a few audacious men both within and without the committee, such as Rossel, 
Flourens, the "generals" Duval and Bergeret, Raoul Rigault, and Delescluze, 
arrogated to themselves the greater part of the power and abused it shame- 
fully. So long as lasted the commune the conditions under which men gov- 
erned, tyrannised, fought, killed, and themselves found death were those 
of pure anarchy. Were it otherwise, had any serious organisation or system 
existed, would it have been possible for the Versailles troops to enter Paris 
and pass through the gate of Saint Cloud without discharging a shot from 
their rifles? 

The suppression of the Paris revolt might — so hoped the assembly's Right 
— wipe out the republic itself, but this hope was not fulfilled. Democracy, 
though vanquished, was stiU formidable, and the republic in whose name it 
had been subdued retained such an appearance of power that M. Thiers, 
in whose hand lay the destinies of France, accentuated his evolution towards 
the Left. Moreover, the rural populations and the bourgeoisie of 1871 dis- 
played more reason and self-possession than had characterised similar classes 
in 1848. Far from hastening to set over themselves a master, as had the 
latter, they gave all their support to the aged statesman who was doing his 
utmost to place the republic in a position of safety. 

Recent Legislation for the Betterment of Labour 

It was now universally comprehended that a republic should exist for 
the good of all classes of the nation, should be res publica in the full mean- 
ing of the words; whereas former revolutions had furthered the interests of 
one class alone. The assemblies which succeeded each other after 1875, 
having greater wisdom, more time for deliberation, and wider experience 
than those of the second repubhc, elaborated so many useful laws that a 
complete change was brought about in the situation of the workingman. 

Powerful as was the instnmient of emancipation put into the hands of 
working people when universal sxiffrage was proclaimed in 1848, the gift 
needed another to complete it — free and obligatory education for the masses 
as provided by the Ferry laws; also the adult schools, complementary to 
the primary school system, and technical instruction of all sorts. 

The law of the 21st of March, 1884, on syndicates, borrowed the best 
features of early labour organisation in France and at the same time guaran- 
teed, it was hoped, full liberty to the individual. The law of July 2nd, 1890, 
suppressed the obligation of the workingman to carry a Kvret, or certificate. 
The law of the 8th of July, 1890, provided for the appointment of delegates 
of miners^ who were to be elected by their comrades and charged with se- 
curing safe conditions of labour. The law of the 27th of December, 1892, 
instituted optional arbitration in litigations between employers and em- 
ployed. The law of the 9th of April, 1898, awarded an indemnity to work- 
men injured while performing any ordered task, even when the injury could 

[' Camille Pelletan, Le OomiU central de la Cotmmim, New Edition.] 


be shown to be the result of their own unprudence. In case of death from 
such a cause the indemnity is to be paid to the wife and children of the de- 
ceased. The law of the 30th of June, 1899, extended to agricultural labourers 
this same right of indemnity La cases where an accident was caused by the 
use of machines worked by inanimate forces (steam or electricity) and not 
by men or animals. The laws of the 19th of March, 1874, and of the 2nd of 
November, 1892, interpreted by numerous decrees, were intended as revisions 
of those elaborated by the chambers imder Louis Philippe; but so compli- 
cated is_ the matter owing to the endless diversity of professions that it is 
found difficult to formulate a good general law. The many provisions and 
prohibitions come near to being vexatious, even ruinous, to the workingman 

By a law of 1883 commissioners and inspectors of chUd-labour are also 
charged with the enforcement of the law of May 17th, 1851, regulating the 
number of hours of work a day for adults. 

The progress of the working-classes can always be estimated by the rate 
of advance of certain allied institutions. Thus the mutual aid societies, 
which in 1853 numbered 2,695, had attained in 1899 a total of 12,292, with 
1,725,439 active members, 292,748 honorary members, and a capital of 
312,000,000 francs. 

The superannuation funds, including the "national" fimd of that name 
founded in 1850, also entered upon a period of great development. The laws 
of Jime 25th, 1894, and July 16th, 1896, organised similar institutions for the 
benefit of miners, and the French parliament is constantly entertaining pro- 
jects looking to the further extension of the idea. 

In 1847 the savings banks contained in deposits only 358,000,000 of 
francs, in 1869 the amount had increased to 711,000,000, and in 1882 to 
1,754,000,000. At the beginning of 1899 the banks had received in deposits 
4,000,500,000 francs, represented by 7,000,000 bank-books. 

The free medical aid system was established by the law of January 22nd, 
1893; that of free judicial aid, created by the law of January 22nd, 1851, 
was reorganised by the law of July 8th, 1901. 

It is evident that the working people, not wholly but in great part, com- 
pose the mutual aid societies, contribute to the superannuation fimds, and 
own the three or four thousand mUlion francs deposited in the savings banks 
of France. It is equally apparent that to them falls the largest share of the 
benefits arising from prosperity. According to calculations the consumption 
of meat has almost doubled since the beginning of the nineteenth century, 
the consumption of wine has doubled, that of coffee trebled, of sugar increased 
tenfold, and of beer augmented in the proportion of 70 per cent. Now the 
rich man hardly consumes a greater quantity of meat, wine, beer, coffee, and 
sugar than does the labourer, nor is the economical rural worker given to 
using half as much of these commodities as his urban brother; hence it wUl 
be seen that the general increase of prosperity has benefited most of all the 
labourers in cities. 

The workingman of to-day is better fed, better clad, better housed, more 
generously provided in every way with worldly goods than was the working- 
man of thirty years ago. He profits by all the inventions of a philanthropic 
legislature, enjoys for himself and his children free medical service and judi- 
cial aid, but can it truly be said that he is happier than his congener of fifty 
or sixty years ago? And if it is true, wiU he admit it? It is ingrained in the 
nature" of man to let his sufferings for the lack of certain things outweigh his 
happiness in the possession of others. French workingmen are not inclined 


to seek comparisons in bygone times, they refuse to take into accoimt any 
period but the present, to see anything but the existing difference between 
their own and their employer's condition. They display a greater animosity 
to-day toward the bourgeois class, that has made for them many sacrifices, 
than was ever cherished by their forerunners against the egoistical employers 
of 1830. Many among them would think it quite right to work only eight 
hours a day for high wages,' and to have funds established for them to which 
they themselves would not have to contribute. Others also, who are de- 
positors in savings banks and mutual aid societies, and in receipt of the in- 
come assured them by these institutions, give themselves airs of " proletarians" 
after the fashion of the workingman of 1830 whose only capital was a pair of 
shrunken arms. If they vote it is very often in favoiu- of some extremist 
candidate, as though they had a horror of public tranquillity, and were not 
themselves the first to suffer from any disturbance of the peace. Furthermore 
they are beset by solicitations to join one or more of the many socialistic 
organisations — the Blanquists or the Allemanists — whose avowed mission it 
is to foment hatrect between the classes, to prepare the way for a " universal 
strike," and whose favourite counsel to the workingman is to "study the 
chemistry of revolution." 

Present-day Doctrines 

We have left far behind us the days of Saint-Simon, of Enfantin, of 
Fourier, of Cabet and other mild Utopians, of Proudhon, and of Louis Blanc. 
The new masters to whom socialists swear allegiance are more terrible ones 
whom they have foimd across the Rhine; from Ferdinand, but more especially 
from Karl Marx, proceed the most radical coUectivist and the most destructive 
internationalist doctrines that have ever been uttered. Among the French 
disciples of Karl Marx a certain set of fanatics acknowledged as their leader 
Jules Guesde, the high priest with the wasted visage, who styles himself 
" chief of the French laboiu- party " ; others, who are the truly clever ones, call 
themselves independent, and, in company with MUlerand and Jaures, have 
enjoyed more than one foretaste of the bliss they promise the people in a 
more or less distant futin-e. 

Many workingmen were carried away by the formula, lately fallen into 
disuse, of the "three eights" (eight horns for labour, eight for relaxation, 
eight for sleep). Its inventors concerned themselves but little with those 
trades or professions that are marked by alternations of activity and stagna- 
tion. Other labourers— forming not a tenth part of the mass of French 
workers — allowed themselves to be drawn into the so-called professional 
sjmdicates which, in violation of the law of 1884, were diverted from their 
original purpose and transformed into agencies for strikes. Fortunately 
there arose against the despotism of strike leaders and "red" syndicates the 
powerful association of "yellow" syndicates, which dared show themselves 
independent even in the face of revolutionary tyranny. 

The coUectivists are hostile to the idea of country, army, imiform, or flag, 
and their bitter hatred of the priesthood leads them into complete forgetful- 
ness not only of the nation's interests but of their own. This is what makes 
the management of public affairs so easy for unscrupulous politicians: one 
good campaign against religion will take the place of ever so many social 
reforms, even those that have been declared the most urgent. 

The power gained by the labouring classes, now the " fourth estate," has 
by no means contributed everything towards the general welfare; it ha* pro- 


moted neither the pubUc peace, continually disturbed by so-called "social 
reclamations," nor the industrial prosperity of the country, repeatedly en- 
dangered by unjustifiable and sanguinary strikes such as those of 1898 and 
1899; while it has as certainly not added to France's glory in the eyes of the 
world, since all her institutions of national defence are the subject of the 
most -hostile and annihilating criticism. 

The old regime of France with its kings and nobles counts fourteen cen- 
turies of a glory whose origin is lost in the legends of antiquity; the pre- 
dominance of the bourgeoisie during the revolution, the first empire, and 
the parliamentary monarchies was marked by splendid progress, victories, 
and expansion of ideas; just what will distinguish the era ushered in by 
socialism in every country of the globe it is difficult to conceive, nor is it 
easier to foretell the future lot of humanity when the coUectivist state shall 
have become an accomplished fact. 

We are frequently assured that if every country were to disband its armies 
the peace of the world would be secured. Who can guarantee, though, that 
all the inhabitants of any given country would calmly consent to relinquish 
their property, bow their necks to the heaviest bureaucratic yoke that has 
ever been imposed (for many more officials would be required to run such 
an enormous phalanstery of a state than are employed to-day), and endure 
without rebelling the wearisome, monotonous, and depressing existence that 
would be theirs under the sway of the least enlightened classes of the nation? 
Nor would the suppression of the states do away either with the different 
ethnological groups that form their support, nor with the inclination of these 
groups to live their own life, to speak their own tongue, to draw inspiration 
from the legends of their own past, to feel themselves in a word separate and 
distinct from all the other groups around them. There have been innu- 
merable wars in former times between those national personalities calling 
themselves in the present France, Germany, England, Spain, and Italy — 
feudal wars, monarchical wars. Jacobin wars, bourgeois wars, and tariff wars, 
wars for pillage, wars for principles, and wars for display. It is not clearly 
apparent how any of these wars could have been averted had each of the na- 
tions participating been ruled by a coUectivist autocracy and bureaucracy. 
And again, who can assert that the diplomacy of the future will be as skilled 
in avoiding causes of conflict as the diplomacy of the present ? The coUecti- 
vist state, moreover, having assumed control in each country of all the agri- 
cultural, industrial, and commercial interests, wiU be iU inclined to brook 
that a neighbour shall hinder its traffic in grains and other produce, or shaU 
contend for the markets in its possession. Evidently a custom-service wUl be 
a necessity, with a regiment of officials, and frontier-lines wUl again come 
into prominence. Thus, with a police force on land to guard against sedition 
by malcontents, and warships on sea to protect its counting-houses, the 
coUectivist state's institutions of defence wUl offer a very close paraUel to the 
standing army of to-day. 

The future that has been pictured for us in such glowing colours may, 
after aU is said and done, be simply a repetition of the present with a few 
worse features thrown in. There wUl doubtless stUl be wars, but the war- 
fare wUl rage about a singularly diminished object; in the poverty-stricken 
commonwealths that wiU succeed to the opulent_ nations of to-day there wiU 
be no doing battle for glory or for the propagation of ideas, the inhabitants 
wiU seek to exterminate each other on account of a few sacks of rye. The 
citizen wars of the Revolution and the empire were marked by a fiercer 
spirit than had characterised any of the previous monarchical wars; it ia to 



be feared that the "labour" wars will exceed them all in ferocity and hate, 
will in fact turn the world back again to the modes of living and degree of 
civilisation of the cave-dweUers. Let us hope, however, that the men of the 
"fourth estate" will discover before it is too late the vanity, the danger, the 
absurdity of the coUectivist utopia; it is not well to serve as a springboard 
for ambitious men who, without believing in the possibility of the realisation 
of their utopia, understand marvellously well how to exploit it. 


[The letter " is reserved for Editorial Matter.] 

Chapter I. The Bouebon Restoration (1815-1824) 

* Thomas Erskine Mat, Democracy in Europe. — "Charles Seignobos, Histoire politique 
de V Europe contemporaine, 1814-1896. — "* Alphonse de Lamaetine, History of the Restoration 
of Monarchy in France. — « P. Guizot, Memoirs of my own Time. —/Henri Martin, Sistoire 
de France depuis 1789. — c A. Alison, History of Europe from the Fall of Napoleon, 1815, to 
the Accession of Louis Noupoleon, 1852. — ''Charles Lacbetelle, Histoire de France depuis la 
Restauration. — <C. Dareste de la Chavanne, Histoire de France. — ^]&mile de Bonnechose, 
Histoire de France. — ^ James White, History of France. — ' V. Durut, Histoire de France. — 
""Francois R. Chateaubriand, La Monarchic selon la Charte. — »J. B. R. Capefioue, His- 
toire de la Restauration. 

Chapter II. Charles X and the July Revolution 

I" A. DE Lamartine, op. cit. — "A. Alison, op. eit. — "^E. de Bonnechose, op. cit. — «H. 
Martin, op. cit. — 'C. Dareste de la Chavanne, op. cit. — bJ. White, op. cit. — ''Wilhblm 
Muller, Politische Oeschichte der neuesten Zeit. — * Camille Pblletan, De 1815 & nos jours. — 
^ Louis Blanc, The History of Ten Years, ' 1830-18 Jfi. — * Maurice Wahl, VAlgSrie. — 'Karl 
HiLLEBRAND, Geschichtc Franhreichs von der Thronhesteigung Louis Fhilippes bis zum Falle 
Napoleons IIL (In Heeren and Ukert's Oeschichte 3,er europ&ischen Staaten.) 

Chapter III. Louis Philippe and the Revolution op 1848 

6T. Erskine May, op. cit. — "H. Martin, op. cit. — ''A. Alison, op. cit. — "F. Guizot, op. 
eit. — /v. Durut, op. cit. — nW. Muller, op. cit. — ''C. Dareste de la Chavanne, op. cit. — 
* Abb£ Girard, Nouvelle Histoire de France. — '3. White, op. cit. — ''C. Pelletan, op. cit. — 
'L. DE LoMfiNiE, Oalerie des Contemporains illustres. 

Chapter TV. The Republic op 1848 

'Gamaliel Bradford, The Lesson of Popular Government. — "A. M. Dupin, MSmoires. — 
''Victor Pierre, Histoire de la Repuhlique de 18^8. — "A. Alison, op. cit. — 'H. Maetin, op. 
eit. — bMarquis of Normanbt, A Year of Revolution, from a Journal kept in Paris in 1848. — 
''V. Durut, op. cit. — *T. Erskine May, op. cit. — ^Hippoltte Castille, Histoire de la Sec- 
onde Repuhlique. — ^ Victor Hugo, Napoleon the Little. — 'A. de Lamartine, History of the 
French Revolution of ISJjS. 

Chapter V. Louis Napoleon, President and Emperor (1849-70) 

'H. Martin, op. cit. — "A. Alison, op. cit. — ''V. Durut, op. cit. — 'C. Pelletan, op. eit. — 
fp. A. M. P. DE Granibr de Cassagnac, L'histoire de NapoUon IIL—bA. Rastoul, Histoire 
de France. — ''V. Hugo, op. cit. — ^FisuREVEijAGoRcti, Histoire du Second Empire. — ■'G. 
Bradford, op. cit. — *T. Delord, Histoire du Second Empire. — 'W. Mijller, op. cit. — ""T. 
Brskine Mat, op. ot<. — "C. Seignobos, op. cit. — "David MIjller, Geschichtc des Deutschen 
Volkes, —p C. A. Fypfe, A Eittory of Modern Europe. — i Eugene TfiNOT, Pa/ris en Dicembre 



Chapter VI. The Peanco-Peussian Wae (1870-1871) 

'' C. A. Ftppe, op. cit. — ° Taxile Deloed, Histoire illustrie du Second Empire. — <* Cousr 
VON Moltke, The Franco-German War of 1870-1871, (translated by Clara Bell and H. W. 
Fischer). — 'H. Maktin, op. cit. — /Paul Bondois, Histoire de la Guerre de 1870-1871. — "F. 
Canonge, Histoire militaire contemporaine. — ''W. Mdllee, op. cit. — * George W. Kitchin, 
article on " France" in the Encyclopmdia Britannica. — 1 A. A. Duceot, La Journee de Sedan. 
— *B. F. WiMPFFEN, Sedan. — 'B. Ambeet, Histoire de la Guerre de 1870-1871. — ""L. 
RoussET, Histoire ginerale de la Guerre Franco- Allemande. — "C. Pbllbtan, op. cit. — 
» Hemei Gibabd, Histoire illustrSe de la Troisiime Mepublique. 

Chaptee VII. The Thied Republic (1871-1903) 

s G. Bradford, op. cit. — "Maxime du Gamf, Les Convulsions de Paris. — ''E. Zbvoet, 
Histoire de la Troisiime R&puhligue. — « Jules Fatee, Le Gouvemement de la Sdfense nation- 
cle. — fC. Pelletan, op. cit. — "J. B. C. Bodley, article on " France" in the New Volumes of 
the EncyclopcBdia Britannica. — '' W. Mijlleb, op. cit. — * H. Martin, op, cit. — i A. Rastoul, 
Histoire de France depuis la revolution de Juillet Jusqu'd nos Jours. — *M. L. Lanier' 





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Tilsit, Paris, 1839-1830, 6 vols. — Bingham, D., The Bastille, London, 1888. — Blano, Louis, 
Histoire de dix ans, 1 800-1840, Paris, 1841-1844 ; English translation. History of Ten Years, 
1830-1840, London, 1844, 2 vols. ; Histoire de la Revolution f rangaise, Paris, 1847-1862, 12 vols. 

— Bodley, J. E. C, France, London, 1898, 2 vols. — Bohtlingk, A., Napoleon Bonaparte, 
Leipsic, 1883, 2 vols. — Boisguillebert, Pierre le Pesant, Sieur de, Detail de la France sous 
Louis XIV, Paris, 1695. — Boiteau d'Ambly, P., ]6tat de la France en 1789, Paris, 1861.— 
Bonaparte, Lucien, Memoires publ. by Jung, Paris, 1882. — Bondois, P., Histoire de la guerre 
de 1870-1871, Paris, 1888. — Bonnechose, E. de, Histoire de France, Paris, 1843, 2 vols. — 
Bonnemere, E., Histoire des Paysans, Paris, 1856. — Bordier, H. L., Les archives de la France, 
Paris, 1854. — Bossuet, J. B., Discours sur I'histoire universelle, Paris, 1681. — Botta, C, Storia 
d' Italia dal 1789 al 1814, Paris, 1824, 4 vols. — Bouchard, d'Avesnes, B., Chronique de Flandres, 
1835. — Boudin, A., Histoire de Louis Philippe, Paris, 1847. — Bougeart, A., Danton, Paris, 
1865, 2 vols.; Marat, I'ami du peuple, Paris, 1865, 2 vols. — Bouillet, M. N., Dictionnaire 
universel d'histoire et de geographic, Paris, 1843. — Boullee, M. A., Histoire complete des etats 
generaux depuis 1302 jusqu'eu 1626, Paris, 1845, 3 vols. — Bourgeoii, E., Le capitulaire de 
Kiersy-sur-Oise, Paris, 1885. — Bourguet, A., La France et I'Angleterre en ifigypte, Paris, 1897. 

— Bourrienne, L. A. Fauvelet de, Memoires sur Napoleon, Paris, 1828-1830, 18 vols. — Boutaric, 
E., La France sous Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1861. — Bowen, E. E., The Campaigns of Napoleon, 
Cambridge, Mass., 1873-1875. — Bradford, Gamaliel, The Lessons of Popular Government, New 
York, 1898. — Brandt, G., La Vie de Michel de Ruiter, Amsterdam, 1698, translated into French 
by Aubin. — Brant6me, Pierre de Bourdeilles de, Vie des hommes Ulustres et grands capitaines 
franjais ; Vie des dames galantes ; both publ. in (Euvres, Leiden, 1666 ; (Euvres completes, 
Paris, 1865-1882, 11 vols. 

Pierre de Bourdeilles de Brantome was born about 1540, and died in 1614. After fighting 
against the Huguenots, Turks, and Moors, he attached himself to the court of Charles IX. 
At the death of this monarch he withdrew from active life, retired to his estates, and spent 
the last years of his life in writing his memoirs. His works include lives of illustrious men, 
of French and foreign captains, lives of illustrious ladies, anecdotes of duels, etc. His writ- 
ings can hardly be called historical, but they give an excellent picture of the general court 
life of the period, and are written in a quaint, naive style. 

Bray, Anna E., Joan of Arc and the Times of Charles VII, London, 1873. — Breton, Guil- 
laume le (William of America), Histoire des gestes de Philippe Auguste, in Guizot's Collection 
de memoires relatifs &, I'histoire de France, vol. 2. — Broglie, J. V. A., Due de, Le secret du roi: 
Correspondance secrete de Louis XV avec ses agents diplomatiques, 1752-1754, Paris, 1879, 
3 vols.; Les souvenirs du feu due de Broglie, Paris, 1886-1887. — Browning, 0., Modern 
France, London, 1880. —Browning, W. S., "The History of the Huguenots, London, 1829. — 
Buchez, P. J. B., et Rouz-Lavergne, Histoire parlementaire de la Revolution f rangaise, 
Paris, 1833-1838, 4 vols. — Buchon, J. A., Collection des croniques nationales frangaises, Paris, 
1824^1829, 47 vols. ; Choix de chroniques et memoires sur I'histoire de France, Paris, 1836. — 
Buckle, H. T., History of Civilisation in England, London, 1871, new edition. — BuUe, C, 
Geschichte des zweiten Kaiserreichs und des K6nigreichs Italien, in Oncken's Allgemeine 
Qeschichte, Berlin, 1890. — Burette, T., Histoire de France depuis r^tablissement des Francs 
dans la Gaule, Paris, 1840, 3 vols. — Burke, E., Reflectiona. on the Revolution of France, 


London, 1790, later edition 1890. — Buturlin, D. P., Histoire militaire de la campagne de Russia 
en 1812 (translated from the Russian), Paris, 1824, 2 vols. 

Cabanis, Pierre Jean Georges, Rapports du physique et du moral de rhomme, Paris, 
1802. — Oaddy, F., Footsteps of Joan of Arc, London, 1885. — Caillet, J., L'administration en 
France sous le ministlre du Cardinal de Richelieu, Paris, 1860, 2 vols. — Campan, Jeanne L. H. 
de, Mfimoires sur la vie priv6e de la reine Marie Antoinette, Paris, 1823, 5th edition, 4 vols. — 
Campbell, N., Napoleon at Fontainebleau and Elba, London, 1869. — Oanonge, F., Histoire 
militaire contemporaine, 1854-1871, Paris, 1882, 2 vols. — Capefigue, J. B. R., Histoire de la 
Restauration, Paris, 1831, 10 vols.; Histoire de la rSforme, de la ligue et du regne de Henri IV, 
Paris, 1834-1835, 8 vols.; Richelieu, Mazarin, La Fronde, et le rSgne de Louis XIV, Paris, 
1834-1835, 8 vols.; L'Europe pendant le consulat et I'empire de Napollon, Paris, 1839-1841, 
10 vols. ; Louis XV et la societe du XVIII sificle, Paris, 18&. — Carloix, Vincent, Memoires de 
la vie de Frangois de Scepeaux, Sire de Vieilleville, Paris, 1757. — Carlyle, T., History of the 
French Revolution, London and New York, 1837, 2 vols. ; Frederick the Great, London and 
New York, 1858-1866, 6 vols.; The Diamond Necklace, in the Essays; Mirabeau, in the 
Essays. — Came, Louis Marcein, Comte de, feudes sur I'histoire du gouvernement represen- 
tatif de 1789-1848, Paris, 1855, 2 vols. ; La monarchie fran5aise au 18™o sidcle. — Camot, H., 
Memoires sur Camot par son fils, Paris, 1871. — Cassagnac, see Granier. — Castelnau, M. de, 
Memoires, in Nouvelle Collection de Memoires pour servir k I'histoire de France, Paris, 1838. — 
Castille, C. H., Histoire de la seconde R^publique, Paris, 1854-1856, 4 vols. — Cavalli, Marino, 
Relation de Marino Cavalli (ambassador to France from Venice), 1546, Italian and French; in 
Collection de documents infidits, etc., 1st series, Paris, 1836 ff. — Chabannea, Adhemar, in 
Monumenta Germanise historica, Scriptores, vol. IV. — Chalambert, Victor de, Histoire de la 
Ligue, Paris, 1854, 2 vols. — Challamel, J. B., Histoire de la liberte en France depuis 1789, 
Paris, 1886. — Chambray, G. de. Vie de Vaujjan; Histoire de I'Expedition de Russie, Paris, 
1833. — Chamfort, Sebastien-Roch Nicholas, Caract6res et anecdotes, new edition, Paris, 1860. 
-T- Champier, Symphorien, Les gestes ensemble la vie du preulx Chevalier Bayard, etc., in 
Cimber's Archives curieuses de rhistoire de France, 1st series, vol. 2, Paris, 1834 fE. — Chaptal, 
A. C, Mes souvenirs sur Napoleon, Paris, 1893. — Charlotte, Elisabeth, Memoires sur la cour 
de Louis XIV et de la regence, extraits de la correspondance de Madame Elisabeth Charlotte, 
Paris, 1823. — Charmes, F. , Etudes historiques et diplomatiques, Paris, 1893. — Charraa, 
J. B. A., Histoire de la campagne de 1815, Waterloo, Brussels, 1858, 2 vols. — Chartier, J., 
Chronique de Charles VII, 1476, reprinted Paris, 1858, 3 vols. — Ohastelaln, Georges, Frag- 
ment relatif h la Normandie, London, 1850; Chronique des dues de Bourgogne, published 
by Buchon, in Collection des chroniques nationales franjaises, vols. 42 and 43, Paris, 1827. — 
Chateaubriand, FranQois R., Vicomte de. La monarchie selon la charte, London, 1816. — 
Chenier, Andre, Hymne k la France, Paris, 1894. — Cherest, A., La chute de I'ancien regime, 
Paris, 1884-1886, 3 vols. — Oheruel, A., Dictionnaire historique des institutions, moeurs, etc., 
Paris, 1855, 2 vols.; Memoires de Fouquet, Paris, 1862, 2 vols.; Histoire de France pendant la 
minorite de Louis XIV, Paris, 1880, 4 vols.; Histoire de France sous le ministere de Mazarin, 
Paris, 1883, 3 vols, (the last two works are based on the letters and carneta de Mazarin). — 
Chevremont, P., Jean Paul Marat, Paris, 1880, 2 vols. — Choisy, F. T. de, Memoires pour 
servir i I'histoire de Louis XIV, Paris, 1727, 2 vols. — Cimber, L., and Danjou, J., Archives 
curieuses de I'histoire de France, Paris, 1834-1840, 17 vols. — Claretie, J., Camille Desmoulins 
et sa femme, Paris, 1882. — Olausewitz, C. von, Der Feldzug von 1796 in Italien, Berlin, 1888. 
— Clement, P., Histoire de la vie et de l'administration de Colbert, Paris, 1846; La police sous 
Louis XIV, Paris, 1866. — Cochut, A., Law, son systeme et son epoque, Paris, 1853. — Ooignet, 
Mme. C. Gauthier-, Fin de la vieille France, Frangois ler, portraits et Episodes du XVIe siecle; 
English translation, Francis 1st and His Times, London, 1889; A Gentleman of the Olden 
Times, Life of de Scepeaux, London, 1888. — Collier, Admiral G., France, Holland, and the 
Netherlands a Century Ago, London, 1861. — OoUin, V., La question du Haut-Nil et le point 
de vue beige, Antwerp, 1899. — Colmaohe, Reminiscences of Talleyrand (translation), Lon- 
don, 1881. — Comines, Philip de, Memoires, 1523 ; translated into English, London, 1855, 2 

Philip de Comines was born in 1445 at the chSteau de Comines. His godfather was Philip 
the Good, and he himself became attached to the service of Charles the Bold. He was entrusted 
with diplomatic commissions to Calais, Loudon, Brittany, and Spain. In 1473 he left the service 
of Charles, and attached himself to Louis XI, who made him councillor and chamberlain, and 
gave him several estates, among them the seigneurie of Argenton. Comines rendered Louis XI 
many important services, but fell into disgrace under his successor. For eight months he was 
imprisoned in an iron cage for having espoused the cause of the duke of Orleans. He returned 
to favour for a time under Charles VII, and again under Louis XII, but he never regained his 
old influence. The latter years of his life were spent in comparative retreat, and it was then 
that he wrote his memoirs, which cover the period from 1464 to 1483, and from 1488 to 1498. 
Hallam says of them : " The memoirs of Philip de Comines almost make an epoch in historical 
literature." If Froissart by his picturesque descriptions and fertility of historical invention may 
be reckoned the Livy of France, she had her Tacitus in Philip de Comines. He is the first 
modern writer who in any degree has displayed sagacity in reasoning on the characters of men. 


and the consequences of their actions, and who has been able to generalise his observation by 
comparison or reflection." 

Condorcet, Marie J. A. N. C. de, Vie de Turgot, Paris, 1786 ; Vie de Voltaire, London, 
1791. — Constant, Benjamin, M^moires sur les Cent Jours, Paris, 1820. — Ooston, F. G. de, 
Biographie des premieres aunfies de Napoleon, Valencia, 1840, 3 vols. — Coubertin, P. de, 
Etudes d'histoire contemporaine, L'fivolution franQaise sous la 3me Republique, Paris, 1896 ; 
English translation. Evolution of France under 3rd Republic, New York, 1897. — Coulatiges, 
F. de, Histoire des institutions politiques de I'ancienne France, Paris, 1877. — Cousinot, Guil- 
laume, Chronique de la Pucelle, in P. L. Jacob's Bibliotheque Gauloise, Paris, 1857 ff. — 
Oretineau-Joly, J., Histoire de la Vendue, Paris, 1841 ; Bonaparte, le concordat de 1801 et le 
Cardinal Consalvi, Paris, 1869. — Oroker, J. W. , Essays on the early. Period of the French 
Revolution, Loudon, 1857. — Orowe, E. E., History of France, London, 1831, 3 vols. ; 1858- 
1868, 5 vols. 

Dabney, R. H., The Causes of the French Revolution, New York, 1888. — Dagnet, A., 
Histoire de la Confederation Suisse, NeuchStel, 1851, 2 vols. — Dandliker, Karl, Klelne Ge- 
schichte der Schweiz, Zttrich, 1876 ; translated by E. Salisbury, A Short History of Switzerland, 
London, 1899. — Dangeau, Philippe de Courcillon de. Journal, Paris, 1854-1861, 19 vols. — 
Daniel, Gabriel, Histoire de France, Amsterdam, 1720-1785. — Dareste de la Chavanne, R, M. 
C, Histoire de I'administration en France, Paris, 1848, 2 vols.; Histoire des classes agricolea, 
Paris, 1854-1858 ; Histoire de France depuis les origines, Paris, 1865-1873, 8 vols. 

Rodolphe Madeleine CUophas Dareste de la Chavanne was born at Paris, October 88th, 
1830, and died at the same place in 1883. He was professor of history at Grenoble and Lyons 
and in 1871 was rector of the Academy at Nancy. On account of his ultramontane views and 
intolerance towards the students he was obliged to leave Nancy in 1878. Dareste's history of 
France is one of the best of the general histories of that country. It lacks the brilliancy of 
Michelet and some of the conspicuous excellencies of Martin, but the author has thoroughly 
investigated his subject, his material is well arranged and the narrative is enlivened with 
accurate descriptions. The Academy of France twice distinguished the work with the Gobert 

Daru, P. A. N. B., L'Histoire de la rejpublique de Venise, Paris, 1819. — Dauban, C. A., 
Les Prisons de Paris sous la Revolution, Paris, 1867-1870, 3 vols. ; Histoire de la rue, du club! 
de la famine, Paris, 1867-1870, 3 vols.; La ddmagogie en 1798, 1794 et 1795 a Paris, Paris, 
1867-1870, 3 vols. — Daudet, E., A President of France, in Cosmopolitan Magazine, New York, 
1895. — Davenport, R. A., History of the Bastille, London, 1838. — Davila, H. C, Histoire des 
guerres civiles de Prance depuis la mort de Henri II, Venice, 1680. — Dayot, A., Napoleon par 
I'image, Paris, 1894. — Delabarre-Duparoq, N. E., Histoire de Charles IX, Paris, 1875.— 
Delbriick, Hans, Leben des Feldmarschalls von Gneisenau, Berlin, 1880. — Deloche, M.,'La 
trustis et I'antrustion royal sous les aeux premieres races, Paris, 1873. — Delord, T., Histoire 
du second empire, Paris, 1869-1875, 6 vols., published with illustrations, Paris, 1880-1883, 
6 vols. — Delrau, A. , Histoire de la Revolution de f evrier, Paris, 1850, 3 vols. — Demogeot, J ! 
History of French Literature, London, 1789. — Depping, G. B., Histoire des expedition's 
maritimes des Normands, Paris, 1848. — Des Cars, duke. Memoirs of Duchess de FourzeL 
(translation), Cambridge, Mass., 1881. — DesmouUns, Camille, Revolutions de France et du 
Brabant, journal published in Paris, 1789-1790, 7 vols.; extracts in Aulard's L'eloquence parle- 
mentaire pendant la Revolution franfaise, Paris, 1882. — Doniol, H., Histoire des classes rurales 

en France, Paris, 1857 ; La Revolution frangaise et la Feodalite, Paris 1874 Drevss C 

Memoires de Louis XIV, Paris, 1859 ; Chrouologie Uuiverselle, Paris, 1873 — Droz, J Histoire 
du rSgne de Louis XVI, Paris, 1839-1843. 3 vols. — Du BeUay, G. et M., Memoires, Paris 1588 

— Du Camp, M., Les convulsions de Paris, Paris, 1878-1879, 4 vols. — Du Olerca. J M6- 
moires, Brussels, 1822. ^ '' 

Jacques du Clercq was born in Artois about 1430 and died about 1475. His memoirs begin 
at the year 1418 and extend to the death of Philip the Good in 1467, giving a detailed account 
of events in Flanders, at court and elsewhere. His narrative is a very personal one, dealing 
largely with people, thus giving an interesting picture of the society of the time. 

Duclos, C. Pineau, Memoires secrets des rfegnes de Louis XIV et de liouis XV Paris 1791 

— Ducrot, A. A., La journee de Sedan, Paris, 1871. — Dumont, E. L., Souvenirs sur Mirabeau! 
Paris, 1851. —Dunham, S. A., History of Europe during the Middle Ages, London, 1833-1836. 

des droits et If 

Louise, 1810- __ 

Histoire de France, Paris, 1855, 3 vols. ; 20th edition, Paris, 1898 ; Histoire diTmoyen fi,ge"Paris' 
1846 ; 14th edition 1806 ; Petite Histoire de France, Paris, 1863. The Histoire de France ani 
the Histoire du moyen age form part of the Histoire Universelle, published by a " Society of 
professors and scholars," under the direction of M. Duruy. 

Jean Victor Duruy hiatoTian minister, and member of the French Academy, was bom at 
Pans, September 11th 1811, of a family of artists employed in the Gobelins factories He was 
himself at first destined for the same profession and did not commence his studies untU a rather 
late date at the Rolhn College, He passed a brUUant examination at the Ecole normale 


SupSrieure, after which, until 1861, he held a number of secondary professorships in history. 
During this time he took part in the collaboration of Napoleon Ill's Julius Caesa/r, thus draw- 
ing the Emperor's attention to his ability, and in 1863 he was made Minister of Education. He 
introduced various reforms into the educational system, among them being the institution of 
public lectures, a, course of secondary education for girls, sdiools for higher education, and 
laboratories for special research. He suggested making primary education compulsory, but was 
not supported in the plan by the Emperor. From 1881-1886 he served on the Conseil supirieur 
de I'Instruction Fublique, and in 1884 was chosen to succeed Mignet in the French Academy. 
Duruy's greatest work was his history of Rome, for which the author received various decora- 
tions and prizes. His history of France is one of the best ever written in such a small compass, 
and is of special value to students who wish readable information in a compact form. 

Du Saulx, Jean, De I'insurrection parisienne et de la prise de la Bastille, Paris, 1790, in 
J. F. BarriSre's Bibliothique des Memoires, 28 vols. — Dussieuz, L. E. , Le Canada sous la domi- 
nation frangaise, Paris, 1855; L'armee en France, Versailles, 1884, 3 vols. — Duvergier de 
Hauranne, P., Histoire du gouveruement parlementaire en France 1814-1848, Paris, 1857-1872, 
10 vols. 

Edmee, H., L'ifivasion du Temple du Dauphin, Louis XVII, Paris, 1874. — Eglantine, 
see Fabre. — Elliott, F., Old Court Life in France, London, 1873 and 1886, 2 vols. — Ely, 
R. T., French and German Socialism in Modern Times, New York, 1883. — Emerson, R. W., 
Napoleon the Man of the World, in Representative Men. — Estienne, H., Les triomphes de 
Louis XIII, avec les portraits des rois, princes, etc., Paris, 1649. — Estoile, Pierre de 1', Journal 
de Henri III, published by Servin, Paris, 1621 ; by Lenglet-Dufresnoy, Paris, 1744 ; Journal de 
Henri IV, most complete edition, Hague, 1744 ; reproduced in Petitot's and Miohaud's Collec- 
tion des MSmoires. 

Fabre d'Eglantine, P. P. N., Portrait de Marat, Paris, 1793. — Fain, A. J. P., Baron, 
Manuscrit de 1813, Paris, 1837. — Fallot, C, Louis XIV et la Hollande, Rouen, 1860. — Fal- 
loux, A. P. de, Mlmoires d'un Royaliste, Paris, 1888, 3 vols. — Fantin-Des-Odoarts, A., His- 
toire philosophique de la revolution frangaise, Paris, 1796 and 1817, 6 vols. — Fauohet, C, Les 
Antiquites gauloises et frangoises, Paris, 1579; L'origine de la langue et de la pofisie frangoise, 
Paris, 1581. — Fauriel, C. C., Histoire de la Gaule mdridionale sous la domination des con- 
querants germains, Paris, 1886, 4 vols.; Histoire de la po^sie provengale, Paris, 1846; Les 
derniers jours du consulat, Paris, 1886, edited by L. Lalanne; English translation. Last Days 
of the Consulate, London, 1885. — Favre, J., Le gouvernement de la defense nationale, Paris, 
1871-1875, 3 parts. — Fayniez, G., !llltudes sur I'industrie et sur la classe industrielle, Paris, 
lg77. — Felibien, AndrS, et Lobineau, Histoire de la ville de Paris, Paris, 1755, 5 vols. — Fer- 
rieres, Ch. filie. Marquis de, Memoires pour servir S, I'histoire de I'assemblee constituante et da 
la revolution de 1789, Paris, 1799^ reprinted in Collection des Memoires relatifs & la Revolution 
frangaise, Paris, 1821. —Ferry, J., La lutte Slectoraleen 1863, Paris, 1863. — Fetridge, W. P., 
Rise and Fall of the Commune, New York, 1871. — Flack, J., Les origines de I'ancienne France, 
Paris, 1885. — Flassan, G. R. de, Histoire g6n6rale et raisonnfe de la diplomatic frangaise, 
Paris, 1811,7 vols. — Flathe, H. T.,Das Zeitalter der Restauration und Revolution, in Oncken's 
Allgemeine Geschichte, Berlin, 1883. — Fleury, L'abbS, Prficis historique du droit frangais, 
Paris, 1676. — Foncin, P., Essai sur le ministere de Turgot, Paris, 1877. — Fontrailles, L. 
d'Astarao, Marquis de, Relation des choses particuliSres de la cour pendant la faveur de M. de 
Cinq-Mars, in Michaud's Collection, 3rd series, vol 3, Paris. — Fomeron, H., Les dues de Guise 
et leur epoque, Paris, 1877, 3 vols. — FSrster, P., Der Feldmarschall Blucher und seine Umge- 
bung, Leipsic, 1821. — Forsyth, W., Napoleon at St. Helena, 1853. — Fouohe, J., duke of 
Otranto, Mlmoires, Paris, 1834. — Foumier, A., Napoleon I, Prague, Vienna, and Leipsic, 1886- 
1889, 3 vols. — Fox, Henry R. Vassall, Lord Holland, Foreign Reminiscences, London, 1850. — 
Foy! M. S., Comte, Histoire des guerres de la Pgninsule sous Napoleon, Paris, 1837, 4 vols. — 
Franklin, A., Les sources de I'histoire de Prance, Paris, 1877. — Freeman, E. A., Teutonic Con- 
quest in Gaul and Britain, London and New York, 1888. — Freer, M. W., Henry III, King of 
France and Poland: his court and times, London, 1859, 3 vols. ; History of the Reign of Henry 
IV, King of France and Navarre, London, 1860, 3 vols. ; Life of Jeanne d'Albret, London, 1861 ; 
Married Life of Anne of Austria, London, 1864 ; The Regency of Anne of Austria, London, 
1866 • Life of Margaret of Anjou, London, 1884. — Friocius, K., Geschichte des Krieges in den 
Jahren 1818 und 1814, Altenburg, 1843. — Freron, L. S., Memoires, Paris, 1796-1834. — Frie- 
derich II (King of Prussia), (Euvres posthumes, Berlin, 1788-1789, 15 vols. — Froissart, Jean, 
Chroniques de Prance, d'Angleterre, d'Ecosse et d'Espagne, Paris, 1769 ; Brussels, 1870-1877, 
25 vols. ; English translation, London, 1839. . 

Jean Froissart is the historian of the fourteenth century, as Villehardoum is of the twelfth 
and Joinville of the thirteenth. His chronicle includes the period 1338-1400 and treats of 
events which took place in France, England, Scotland, Ireland, Flanders, Spain, and other 
European countries. The author was born in Valenciennes in 1337 and was early destined for 
the church although he put ofE taking orders as long as possible, wishing first to enjoy some 
of the pleasures of life. In 1356 he went to England and became clerk of the chapel of Philippe 
of Hainault, who encouraged him to describe the great events of his century. For this purpose 


he visited Scotland, Brittany, and Bordeaux, and accompanied the duke of Clarence to Italy. 
After the death of the queen he entered the service of the duke of Brabant and on liis death 
became clerk of the chapel of the count of Blois. The latter encouraged him to continue his 
travels for the purpose of continuing his chronicle, and after visiting various places in France 
he returned again to England. The last fourteen years of his life were spent in quiet in Flan- 
ders. Froissart deals mainly with the deeds of valour and chivalry which took place around 
him, telling of tournaments and battle-fields, knights and ladies. As to the deeper problems of 
society, the transition stage from the old feudalism which was fast dying out, he is wholly 

Fyflfe, A. C, Modern Europe, 1891-1892. 

Oaillard, G. H., Histoire de la rivalite de la France et de I'Angleterre, Paris, 1778 ; 
Histoire de la rivalite de la France et de I'Espagne, Paris, 1801 ; Histoire de Charlemagne 
suivie de I'histoire de Marie de Bourgogne, Paris, 1819 ; Histoire de Franpois I, roi de Prance, 
Paris, 1766-1769, 7 vols. ; 1839, 4 vols. — Oardiner, Mrs. B. M., French Revolution, Loudon, 
1883. — Gardner, D., Quatrebras, Ligny and Waterloo, London, 1883. — Gamier-Pages, L. A., 
Histoire de la revolution de 1848, Paris, 1861-1863, 8 vols. — Gasquet, A. , Precis des institutions 
politiques et sociales de I'ancienne France, 1885, 2 vols. — Gaudin, M. M. C, Due de Gaete. 
Memoires et Souvenirs, Paris, 1826-1834, 3 vols. — Gaulot, Paul, BibliothSque de souvenirs et 
recits militaires. — Qautier, L., Epopees fran<;aises, Paris, 1865-1868. — Gautier, T., Les 
grotesques, Paris, 1844, 3 vols. — Genlis, Marquise de Sillery, Mme. de, Adele et Theodore ou 
lettres sur I'education, Paris, 1783, 3 vols. ; Souvenirs de Felicie, in Barriere's BibliothSque des 
Memoires, vol. 14, Paris, 1846 ft.; M6moires, Paris, 1825, 10 vols. — Geruzey, E., Essais 
d'histoire litteraire, Paris, 1839 ; Litterature de la Revolution, Paris, 1859. — Geyer, P., Frank- 
reich under Napoleon HI, unter 1865. — Gigault, Tie politique du Marquis de Lafayette, 
Paris, 1833. — Giguet, P., Histoire militaire de la France, Paris, 1849, 3 vols. — Girard, 
Abbe, Nouvelle histoire de France, Paris, 1883. — Girard, H. , Histoire Ulustree de la 3me 
Republique, Paris, 1885. — Giraud, Charles, Histoire du droit f rangais au moyeu fige, Paris, 
1846, 2 vols. — Glasson, E., Histoire du droit et des institutions de la France, Paris, 1887. — 
Godefroy, P., Histoire de la litterature frangaise depuis le 16me siecle, Paris, 1859, 10 vols. — 
Godwin, P., History of France, New York, 1860. — Goncourt, E. et J. de, Histoire de la 
societe frangaise pendant la rivolution et sous le directoire, Paris, 1854-1855, 3 vols.; Les 
maitresses de Louis XV, Paris, 1860, 3 vols. — Goroe, P. de la, Histoire du second empire, 
Paris, 1894. — Gouvion-Saint-Oyr, Marquis de, Journal des operations de I'armee de 
Catalogue en 1808 et 1809, Paris, 1821; Memoires sur les campagnes des armees du Rhin et 
de Rhin-et-Moselle, Paris, 1839 ; Campagnes de 1812 et de 1813, Paris, 1831. — Granier de 
Cassagnac, A., Histoire des classes nobles et des classes anoblies, Paris, 1840 ; Histoire du 
Directoire, Paris, 1851-1863, 3 vols. ; Histoire populaire de Napoleon III, Paris, 1874. — 
Graviere, J. de la, Guerres maritimes sous la republique et I'empire, Paris, 1883. — Gregory 
of Tours, in Le Huerou's Histoire des Institutions des Merovingiens, Paris, 1841. — Griffiths, 
A., French Revolutionary Generals, London, 1891. — Grolmann-Damitz, Karl W. von, Ge- 
schichte des Feldzugesvon 1815 in den Niederlanden, Berlin, 1837. — Gronlund, L., Qa Ira! or 
Danton in the French Revolution, Boston, 1888. — Grovestins, S. de, Guillaume III et Louis 
XIV, Paris, 1855, 8 vols. — Guenther, R., Geschichte des Feldzuges von 1800 in Ober-Deutsch- 
land, der Schweiz und in Ober-Italien, Frauenfeld, 1893. — Guerin, Leon, Histoire de la der- 
nifire guerre avec la Russie, Paris, 1860 ; Histoire maritime de France, Paris, 1863, 6 vols. — 
Guillois, A., Napoleon, I'homme, le politique, I'orateur d'aprfes sa correspondance, etc., Paris, 
1889, 2 vols. — Guizot, F., Collection des memoires relatifs & I'histoire de France, Paris, 1824- 
1885, 81 vols., divided in following editions into : Cours d'histoire moderne, Paris, 1838-1830, 
6 vols. ; Histoire de la civilisation en Europe, Paris, 1831, and Histoire de la civilisation en 
France, 4 vols. ; English translation. History of Civilisation in Europe, London, 1886 ; History 
of Civilisation in France, New York, 1860, 3 vols. ; Essais sur I'histoire de France, Paris, 1857; 
Memoires pour servir k I'histoire de mon temps, Paris and Leipsic, 1858-1865, 8 vols. ; 1859, 
4 vols. ; France under Louis Philippe, London, 1865 ; Last Days of the Reign of Louis 
Philippe, London, 1865 ; Histoire de France depuis les temps les plus reculfe, Paris, 1873- 
1875, 5 vols. ; translation, Outlines of the History of France from Earliest Times, London, 
1873, 8 vols. ; Memoirs of a Minister of State from the Year 1840, London, 1884. 

Frangois Pierre Ouillaume Ouizot, statesman and writer, was born at Nlmes in 1787. His 
father died on the scaffold in 1794. Young Guizot studied at Geneva, and came to Paris in 1805, 
where he busied himself with law and literature. His name is closely connected with the stirring 
events in France in the first half of the 19th century, and Guizot alternately took part in politics 
and lectured at the Sorbonne. In 1840 he was ambassador to London, where his literary and 
political fame, and his works on English literature and history, made him very popular. In 
1851 he was obliged to leave France after the coup d'Siat of Napoleon, and on his return he 
was made president of the Paris Academy of Moral and Political Sciences, in 1854. Guizot 
died in 1874 on his estate in Normandy. Mr. Reeve says of him : " Public life, ambition, the 
love of power, and the triumph of debate no doubt shook and agitated his career, and some- 
times misdirected it ; but they produced no effect upon the solid structure of his character, 
vhich remained throughout perfectly simple, indifierent to wealth, and prouder of its own 


integrity than of all the honour the world could bestow. M. Guizot will be remembered in 
history less by what he did as a politician than by what he wrote as a man of letters, and by 
what he was as a man ; and in these respects he takes rank amongst the most illustrious repre- 
sentatives of his nation and his age." 

Haag, E., La France Protestante, Paris, 10 vols. — Haas, C. P. M., La France depuisles 
temps les plus recules, Paris, 1860, 4 vols.; Administration de la France, Paris, 1861, 
4 vols. — Hal6vy, L., L'Invasion, recits de guerre, Paris, 1870-1871. — Hallam, Henry, View 
of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, London and New York, 1853, 3 vols. — 
Hamel, E., Histoire de la RtSpublique frangaise, Paris, 1873 ; Histoire de Robespierre et du 
coup d'etat, etc., Paris, 1878, 3 vols. — Hamerton, P. G., Modern Frenchmen; five biogra- 
phies, London, 1878. — Hanotaux, G. , L'affaire de Madagascar, Paris, 1896. — Harelle, 
Documents inSdits sur les Etats G^neraux, Paris, 1879. — Harrison, F. B., Contemporary 
History of the French Revolution (compiled from Annual Register, 1788-1794), London, 1889. — 
Hassall, A., Mirabeau, London, 1889. — Hatin, L. E., Histoire politique et litt^raire de la pressa 
en France, Paris, 1859-1861, 8 vols. — Hauaser, L., Geschichte derfranzSsischen Revolution 1789- 
1799, Berlin, 1867. — Haussonville, J. O. B., de Citron, Comte d', Histoire de la politique 
exterieure du gouvernement frangais fle 1830 i 1848, Paris, 1850, 3 vols. ; Histoire de la reunion 
de la Lorraine i, la France, Paris, 1854^1859 ; Duchesse de Bourgogne et I'alliance savoyarde 
sous Louis XIV, Paris, 1898. — Hazen, W. B., School and Army of Germany (Franco-German 
War), New York, 1873. — Hazlitt, W., The Life of Napoleon Bonaparte, London, 1853, 4 vols., 
3nd edition. — Heath, J. B., Collection of Letters of Buonaparte Family, Philobiblion Society, 
London, 1866. — Helfert, A. von, Maria Luise, Brzherzogin von Osterreich, Kaiserin der 
Franzosen, Vienna, 1 873 ; Joachim Murat, Vienna, 1878 ; Ausgang der f ranzosischen Herrschaf t 
in Oberitalien, Vienna, 1890. — Helie, P. A., Les constitutions de la France, Paris, 1875-1879. — 
Henckel von Sonnersmarok, W., Erinuerungen aus meinem Leben, Zerbst, 1847. — Hettuer, 
H., Geschichte der f ranzosischen Litteratur, in his Litteraturgeschichte des 18ten Jahrhunderts, 
Brunswick, 1880, 3 vols. — Hillebrand, K., Geschichte Frankreichs von der Thronbesteigung 
Louis Philipps bis zum Falle Napoleon III. , in Heeren und Ukert's Geschichte der europaischen 
Staaten, Gotha, 1877-1879, 2 vols. — Hippeau, E. G., Histoire diplomatique de la 3me republique, 
1870-1889, Paris, 1889. — Holland, Lord, see Fox. — Hortense, Queen, M^moires, Paris, 1834. 
— Houasaye, A., La r^gence, Paris, 1890. — Hozier, H. M., Military Life of Turenne, London, 
1885. — Hueffer, F., The Troubadours, London, 1878. —Hugo, V., Napoleon le petit, Paris, 
1853; Les Miserables, 1863; Histoire d'un crime, 1877. — Hutton, W., Philip Augustus, 
London, 1896. 

Ideville, Comte d', Le marechal Bugeaud, Paris, 1885. 

Jackson, Lady C. C, The Old Regime, London, 1880 ; French Court and Society, London, 
1881 ; Court of Tuileries, from Restoration to Flight of Louis Philippe, London, 1883 ; Last of 
the Valois and Accession of Henry of Navarre, London, 1888 ; The first of the Bourbons, 
London, 1889. — Jahns, Max, Das franzosische Heer von der grossen Revolution bis zur Gegen- 
wart, Leipsic, 1873. — James, G. P. R., Mary of Burgundy, London, 1833. — Jamison, D. F., 
The Life and Times of Bertrand du Guesclin, Charlestown, 1864, 3 vols. — Janet, P., Phi- 
losophie de la Revolution frangaise, Paris, 1875. — Janin, J. , Paris et Versailles il y a cent ans, 
Paris, 1874. — Jean de Troyes, Histoire de Louis XI, . . . autrement dicte La Chronique 
Scandaleuse, in Philippe de Comines' Croniqae, Brussels, 1706. 

The chronicle of Jean de Troyes is one of the most valuable sources for the history of 
Louis XI. The title Chronique Scandaleuse was probably added by some publisher and the 
first edition of it gives neither the date nor the author's name. Jean de Troyes relates occur- 
rences as the king wished them to be known to the people, without thinking of seeking any 
underlying political cause for them. He also gives a great many details which give more than 
any other work a deep insight into the inner life of Paris at the end of the fifteenth century. 
Unfortunately the chronicler often relates from hearsay, so that his work requires comparison 
with other writers. 

Jeannin, P., Negociations, Paris, 1656 ; CEuvres m§16es in Petitot's CoEection complete des 
memoires relatifs fi I'histoire de France, 1819, ser. 3, vol. 16. — Jerrold, B., Life of Napoleon 
III, London, 1871-1874, 4 vols. — Jervis, W. H. , History of France, New York, 1898. — Jobez, 
A., La France sous Louis XVI, Paris, 1877-1881, 3 vols. — Johnson, A. H., The Normans in 
Europe, London, 1877. — Joinville, J. de. Vie de St. Louis, first edition 1546 ; translated by J. . 
Hutton, London, 1868. 

The Sire de Joinville was bom in 1334 and was for a time attached to the service of Count 
Thibaut of Champagne. He afterwards became the friend and chronicler of Louis IX and 
accompanied him on his first crusade to Egypt, fighting at his side and sharing his captivity. 
It was not until long after the author's return to his own country, when he was an old man, 
that he wrote the biography which has made him famous, writing it, as he says, at the request 
of the king's mother Jeanne de Navarre. The narrative is wonderfully attractive, bringing out 
clearly the character of the " saint king " for which the history of the crusade forms a back- 


Jomini, H. Baron, Histoire critique et militaire des campagnes de la Edvolution, Paris, 
1819-1824, 15 vols.; Vie politique et militaire de Napoleon, Paris, 1830, 4 vols. — Jourgniao de 
Saint-M&ard, Fr. de, Mon agonio de 38 heures, Paris, 1792, 6tli edition. — Jung, T., Les pre- 
mieres ann^es de Bonaparte, Paris, 1880 ; Bonaparte et son temps, Paris, 1880-1881, 3 vols. — 
Journal d'un Bourgeois de Paris, edited by Godefroy, and in Bonohin's collection de memoires 
relatifs S, I'histoire de France, vol. 40. — Junot, Mme., Memoires, Paris, 1831-1834, 18 vols. ; 
Histoire des salons de Paris et portraits du grand monde sous Louis XVI, le Directoire, Con- 
sulat, Empire, Restauration et rigne de Louis Philippe, Paris, 1837-1888. — Juvenal des Ursins, 
Histoire de Charles VI, published by Godefroy, Paris, 1614; in Michaud's collection, vol. 2. 

Eaiser, S., Franzosische Verfassungsgeschichte, Leipsic, 1852. — Kerverseau, F. M. de, et 
Olavelin, Histoire de la Revolution de France, Paris, 1792-1803, 19 vols. — King, E., French 
Political Leaders, New York, 1876. — Einglake, A. W., The Invasion of the Crimea ; its origin 
and an account of its progress down to the death of Lord Raglan, Edinburgh, 1863-1887. — 
Kirk, J. F., History of Charles the Bold, Philadelphia, 1846-1868, 2 vols. — Kitchin, G. W., A 
History of France, Oxford and New York, 1877, 3 vols.; article France, in Encyclopaedia Bri- 
tannica, 9th edition. — Knighton, Henry, Chronica de eventibus Angliae a tempore regis Edgari 
usque mortem regis Ricardi Secundi, edited by R. Twysden, in Historise anglicanae scriptores, 
vol. 10, London, 1652 ff. —Koch, J. B. F., Memoires de Massena, Paris, 1849-1850, 7 vols. 

La Bruyere, Jean de, Les caractSres ou les moeurs de ce siScle, Paris, 1688 ; edited by 
Chassang, Paris, 1876. — Ijacombe, B. de, Catherine deMedicis, Paris, 1899. — Ijacombe, C. de, 
Henry IV et sa politique, Paris, 1877. — Xiacombe, P., A Short History of the French People, 
New York, 1875. — Lacretelle, Ch., Histoire de France pendant le XVIII siecle, Paris, 1808, 6 
vols. ; 5th ed., 1830 ; Histoire de France depuis la Restauration, Paris, 1829-1835, 4 vols. ; Dix 
annees d'epreuves pendant la revolution, Paris, 1842 ; Histoire du Consulat et de I'Empire, 
Paris, 1846. — Lady of Rank, Book of Costume, London, 1847. — La Fare, C. A. Marquis de, 
Memoires sur Louis XIV, Rotterdam, 1715. — La Payette, Comtesse de, CEuvres, Paris, 1814. — 
La Tayette, Marquis de, Memoires, Paris, 1837-1840. — La Marche, Olivier de, Memoires, 
Lyons, 1563 ; Paris, 1843, in the Pantheon litteraire; Le Parement et le Triomphe des dames 
d'honneur, Paris, 1686. 

Olivier de La Marche was born at La Marche in Burgundy in 1436 and died in 1501.' He 
lived at the court of the dukes of Burgundy, and describes events there from the year 1425 to 
1492. His memoirs are valuable for military history and the general history of the time, 
although their style is somewhat dull. He also wrote several works in verse, among them the 
second mentioned above. 

Lamartine, A. de, Les Girondins, Paris, 1847, 4 vols. ; London, 1868, 3 vols. ; History of the 
French Revolution, London, 1849 ; History of the Restoration of the Monarchy in France, 
London, 1853, 4 vols. 

Alphonse Marie Louis de Lama/rtine, poet, politician, historian, the son of an officer and 
himself a member of the guard in 1814, was born in 1790 at MScon. A full-fledged poet, he 
was elected a member of the French Academy in 1829. He at once embarked in politics. In 
1847 he published the Siatoire des Oirondins, a work which, while at times inaccurate, possessed 
brilliant qualities and did much to prepare public sentiment for the republic. He continued 
his diplomatic career until the coup d'4tat of the 2nd of December, 1851, forced him into 
private life. He continued to produce miscellaneous works until his death In 1869. A brilliant 
istylist and word-painter, he is perhaps not the most accurate of historians, and allowances 
must be made for his flights of imagination. 

LanesHsm, J. L. de, L'Expansion coloniale de la France, Paris, 1886. — Lanfrey, P., His- 
toire de Napoleon ler, Paris, 1867-1875, 5 vols.; translation, History of Napoleon I, London and 
New York, 1871-1879, 4 vols. — Lanier, L., L'Afrique, Paris, 1884. — Lanoue, Franpois de, 
Memoires, in Petitot's Collection complete des memoires relatifs & I'histoire de France, Paris, 
1819. — La Popeliniere, L. Voisin de, Histoire de France de 1550 S, 1557, La Rochelle, 1581.— 
Larchey, L., Bayard, London, 1888. —La Rochefoucauld, Frangois, Duo de, Mdmoires sur le 
rfigne d'Anne d'Autriche, Paris, 1662 ; Maximes, Paris, 1665. — La Rochegaquelein, Mme. de, 
Memoires, Bordeaux, 1815. — Las Oases, D., Comte de. Memorial de Sainte-HelSne, Paris, 1823, 
8 vols. —La Tour d'Auvergue, H. de (Due de Bouillon), Memoires, Paris, 1666; 1836.— 
Lavalette, M. J. de, Mdmoires et souvenirs du Comte de la Valette, Paris, 1831. — Lavallee, 
T., Histoire des Frangais, Paris, 1845, 2 vols.; Histoire de Paris, Paris, 1852. — Lavisse, see 
Rambaud. — Le Bel, Jean, Les vrayes chroniques de Messire, Brussels, 1863. — Leber, M., 
Essai sur I'apprSciation de la fortune privee au MoyenAge, Paris, 1847. — Lecointe, C, Annales 
ecclesiastiques de la France, Paris, 1665-1680, 8 vols. — Lefranc, A., Olivier de Clisson, Paris, 
1898. — Legeay, U. , Histoire de Louis XI, Paris, 1874, 2 vols. — Le Goff, F. , The Life of Louis 
Adolphe Thiers, New York, 1879. — Le Grand d'Aussy, Histoire de la vie privfie des Frangais, 
Paris, 1783 ; 1851, 3 vols. — Le Huerou, J. M., Histoire des institutions mSrovingiennes, Paris, 
1841 ; Histoire des institutions carolingiennes, Paris, 1843. — Lemontey, Pierre E., Histoire de 
la regence et de la minority de Louis XV, Paris, 1 832. — Lenient, C. , La satire en France, Paris, 
1866. — Lesoure, M. F. A. de. La Princesse de Lamballe, Paris, 1864; Jeanne d'Arc, L'hfiroine 
de la France, 1866 ; Napoleon et sa famille, 1867. — L'BstoUe, P. de, Memoiteg, Journaux, in 


Micbaud et Poujalet's Collection, Paris, 1635-1826. — Levasseur, P. E., Recherches histoiiques 
Bur le systSme de Law, Paris, 1854 ; Histoire des classes ouvrieres en France, Paris, 1859, 3 
vols. — IiSvesque, P. C, La France sous les cinq premiers Valois, Paris, 1788, 4 vols. — Levy, 
A., Napoleon intime, Paris, 1893. — Lewes, G. H., Biographical History of Philosophy, Lon- 
don, 1845-1846 ; Life of Robespierre, London, 1854. — Lilly, W. S., A Century of Revolution,, 
London, 1889. — Linguet, H., Memoires sur la Bastille, London, 1783. — Lissagaray, P. 0., 
Histoire de la Commune de 1871, Brussels, 1876 ; translation. History of the Commune of 1871, 
London, 1886. — Littre, E., Histoire de la langue frangaise, Paris, 1863, 3 vols. — Livy, Titus, 
T. Livii Foro-Juliensis vitaHenrici Quinti, regis Angliae, Oxford, 1716. — Lockhart, J. G., Life 
of Buonaparte, London, 1889. — Lomenie, L. de, Galerie des contemporains illustres, Brussels, 
1848. — Londonderry, C. W. S., Marquis of, Narrative of the War in Germany and France in 
1813 and 1814, London, 1830. — Longnon, A., Atlas Historique de la France, Paris, 1884. — 
Lot, Les derniers Carolingiens, Paris, 1893. — Louis XIV, Memoires, most complete edition by 
Dreyss, Paris, 1859. — Lubis, E., Histoire de la Restauration, Paris, 1848, 6 vols. — Luce, S., 
Histoire de la Jacquerie, Paris, 1859. — Luchaire, A., Histoire des Institutions Monarchiques de 
la Prance sous les premiers Capetiens, Paris, 1884-1885. — Luynes, Ch. Philippe, Due de, 
Memoires, published by Dussieux and Soulie, Paris, 1860-1863, 17 vols. 

Mably, G.Bonnot de. Observations sur I'histoire de France, Geneva, 1765. — Macaulay, 
T. B., Mirabeau, in Essays. — Macdonnell, J., France since the First Empire, London and 
New York, 1879. — Mackintosh, J., Vindicse Gallicae, London, 1791. — Maimbourg, L., History 
of the Holy War, etc., translated by Dr. Nalson, London, 1686. — Maintenon, Mme. de, Me- 
moires, 1756, 6 vols. — Malleson, G. B. , Eugene of Savoy, London, 1888 ; History of the French 
in India, London, 1893. — Mallet-Dupan, J., Memoires, Paris, 1851; Correspondance pour 
servir k I'histoire de la Revolution, Paris, 1851 (both published by Sayous). — Marceau, 
Sergent, Notices historiques sur le general Marceau, Milan, 1830. — Margaret de Valois, 
L'Heptam§ron, Paris, 1559 ; Memoires, Paris, 1638. — Margry, P., Decouvertes et ^tablisse- 
ments des Frangais, Paris, 1879-1881, 4 vols. — Marmont, A. F. L. de, Memoires, Paris, 1886- 
1837, 9 vols. — Marmontel, J. F., Memoires, Paris, 1799. — Marot, Jean, Recueil de Jehan 
Marot de Caen, Paris, 1533. — Martin, H., Histoire de France jusqu'en 1789, Paris, 1855-1860, 
17 vols„ 4th edition ; popular edition, 1867-1885, 7 vols. ; Histoire de France moderne, depuis 
1789 iusqu'ft nos jours, Paris, 1878-1885, 8 vols., 2nd edition. 

Bon Louis Henri Martin was born at St. Quentin (Aisne) in 1810, and died in 1883. He began 
his literary career by writing historical novels, but soon turned his attention more exclusively 
to history and in 1833 published the first edition of his chief work, "The History of France." 
After the second edition the work was completely revised and enlarged, and in 1856 received the 
first prize of the Academy. The first work, extending to the Revolution, was supplemented by 
his Histoire de France moderne, the two together giving a complete history of France, which 
stands perhaps at the head of general histories of that country. It shows profound research 
and is characterised by great impartiality, accuracy, and courage in dealing with political events. 
Martin was prominent in political life. In 1848 he was a lecturer at the Sorbonne, but was 
obliged to retire during the reaction from democratic tendencies. In 1871 he was chosen delegate 
from Aisne to the National Assembly, and in 1876 was senator for the same province. Martin 
aimed at writing a national history of his country and his work has had a great national influence. 

Marx, E., Essai sur les pouvoirs de Gouverneur de Province, etc., Paris, 1880. — Marzials, 
F. T., Life of Leon Gambetta, London, 1890. — Masson, F., Napoldon ler et les femmes, Paris, 
1893; Napoldon chez lui, Paris, 1894. — Masson, G., Early Chroniclers of France, London, 
1879 ; Richelieu, 1884 ; Mazarin, 1887. — Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, edited by Parker, 
1571 ; best edition by Dr. Luard in Rolls Series, 1873-1880, 5 vols. — Maupas, C. E. de, Me- 
moires sur le Second Empire, Paris, 1884 ; English translation. Story of the Coup d'fitat, London, 
1884, 2 vols. — Maxwell, H., Life of Wellington, London, 1893. — Mayj Thomas Erskine, 
Democracy in Europe, London, 1877, 2 vols. — Mazarin, Jules, Cardinal, Negociations secretes 
des Pyrenees, Amsterdam, 1693 ; Lettres de Mazarin relatives £ la Fronde, published by Tamizey 
de Larroque, Paris, 1861 ; Lettres (published by A. Cheruel at the order of the French govern- 
ment, in progress), 2 vols. — Meaux, Vicomte de, La Revolution et I'Empire, Paris, 1867; Les 
luttes religieuses en France au XVI sifecle, Paris, 1879. — Mercier, L. S., Nouveau Paris, Paris, 
1800, 6 vols.; Paris pendant la revolution, Paris, 1862, 3nd edition. — Merimee, P., La 
chronique du regno de Charles IX, 1829. — Mettemioh-Winneburg, Prince Clemens, Aus Met- 
ternich's nachgelassenen Papieren, Vienna, 1880-1884, 8 vols. — Mezeray, E. de, Histoire de 
France, Paris, 1643-1651, 3 vols.; 1839. — Michaud, Joseph, Histoire des croisades, Paris, 
1812-1833, 7 vols.; new edition, 1877, 3 vols.; with Foigoulat, J. J. F., NouveUe collection de 
memoires pour servir a I'histoire de France depuis le Xllle sidcle jusqu'au XVIHe siecle, 
Paris, 1836-1839, 32 vols. —Michel, G., Vie de Vauban, Paris, 1879. — Michelet, J., Histoire 
de France, 1837-1867, 16 vols.; last edition 1879, 19 vols.; translated into English, History of 
France, by W. Kelly, London, 1846, 2 vols.; La France devant I'Europe, Florence, 1871 ; His- 
toire de la Revolution frangaise, Paris, 1889, 5 vols., 4th edition ; Histoire du XIXe si§cle (to 
Waterloo), Paris, 1875, 3 vols. 

Jules Michelet was born at Paris in 1798 and died in 1874. From 1831 to 1826 he was pro 
fessor of history and philosophy at BoUin college, during which period he published the remark- 


able Pricis de I'histoire moderne. He was made member of the Academy in 1838, and succeeded 
Daunou in the chair of history at the Collgge de France. He refused in 1848 nomination to the 
National Assembly and devoted himself exclusively to his historical labours. The coup d'£tat 
of the 2nd of December, 1851, deprived him of his chair in the College de France, and he con- 
tinued in retirement his Eistoire de France and Sistoire de la Revolution. A vivid colorist, he 
is sometimes called a poetical historian because his imaginative representation is imbued with 
the ideals of democracy. He regarded everything from a personal point of view so that every- 
thing he wrote is strongly stamped with his'individuality, vrith his violent prejudices and ardent 
patriotism. In this respect he is one of the most remarkable of historians. It has truly been 
said that there are no dry bones in his writings. 

Mignet, F. A., Histoire de la Revolution frangaise, Paris, 1824, 3 vols.; 8th edition, 1861, 
2 vols. ; Negociations relatives a) la succession d'Espagne, Paris, 1836-1844, 4 vols. ; Kivalite de 
Frangois I et de Charles V, Paris, 1875-1876, 2 vols. ; Vie de Franklin, in Academic des Sciences, 
Morales et Politiques, Paris, 1848. — MikhaUowski-Danilewski, A., L'Histoire de la guerre 
de 1813, 4 vols. ; Memoires sur I'expddition de 1813 ; Le passage de la Berezina, Paris, 1843 ; 
Relation de la campague de 1805, Paris, 1846 ; Complete works published at St. Petersburg, 
1849-1850, 7 vols. — Milman, H. H., History of Latin Christianity, London, 1867. —Miot de 
Melito, A. E. , Mfimoires, Paris, 1858, 8 vols. — Mirabeau, Marquis de, L'ami des hommes ou 
traite de la population, The Hague, 1758, 3 vols. — Moltke, Hellmuth Karl Bernhardt, Graf 
von, Deutsch-franzSsischer Krieg von 1871, Berlin, 1891 ; translated by C. Bell and H. W. 
Fisher, London, 1891, 3 vols. — Monstrelet, E. de, Chronique, in Buchon's Collection des chro- 
niques frangaises, Paris, 1826; English translation ; The^Chronicles of . . .Monstrelet, containing 
an account of the Civil Wars between the Houses of Orleans and Burgundy, London, 1867, 
2 vols. 

Enguerrand de Monstrelet was born of a noble family of Flanders in about the year 1390. 
He attached himself to the duke of Burgundy and became provost of Cambray. He died in 
1453. His chronicle begins where Froissart left off, at the year 1400, and continues to 1444, 
having been continued by other writers until 1516. He describes the events of his time, chiefly 
the wars of France, Artois, and Picardy. While his narration lacks the brilliancy of that of 
Froissart, it is almost uniformly accurate and is very valuable for the original documents it 

Montaigne, Michel de, Essais, Bordeaux, 1580. — Monteil, A. A., Histoire des Fran^ais 
des divers Etats, Paris, 1853, 6 vols. ; Histoire Agricole de la France, Paris, 1877 ; Histoire de 
rindustrie Frangaise, Paris and Limoges, 1878-1880, 3 vols. ; Histoire financiire de la France, 
Limoges, 1881. — Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, Baron de, Pens^es de Montesquieu in 
Pieces interessantes et peu connues pour servir k I'histoire et h. la litterature ; Esprit des Lois, 
Geneva, 1748. — Montgaillard, Q. H. R., Histoire de France chronologique, 1787-1818, Paris, 
1833. — Montholon, Ch. T. de, with General Crourgaud, Memoires pour servir it I'histoire de 
France sous Napoleon, ecrits & Ste. Hel^ne sous sa dict^e, Paris, 1823, 8 vols. — Monljoie, 
Christophe, F. L., ^loge historique de Marie Antoinette, Paris, 1797. — Montluc, Blaise de 
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Mouskea, P. , Chronique rim^e, Brussels, 1836-1838. 

Philip Mouskes was Bishop of Touruay in 1274, aind died about 1383. His metrical chron- 
icle begins with the rape of Helen and extends to the year 1343, containing over thirty thousand 
lines. A great deal of the work has been borrowed from the old chamsons de geste and belongs 
to the realm of fable. His narrative of the period beginning with Baldwin's being elected king 
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Muel, Lion, Gouvernements, ministlres et constitutions de la France, Paris, 1890. — 
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Nangis, Guillaume de. Vies de St. Louis et de Philippe le Hardi ; Chronique universelle ; 
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Very little is known concerning the life of Qu/illcmme de Ncmgis, except that he was a monk 
of St. Denis, lived in the thirteenth century and wrote under Philip the Fair. His account of 
the French kings was written in French, the other works in Latin. The general chronicle 
extends from the creation of the world to the author's own time, and is a compilation of the 
works of Eusebius, Saint Jerome, and Sigebert de Gembloux. His history of Pnilip the Bold 
is based on personal observations and experience. The chronicle was continued by the monks 


of St. Denis, notably by Jean de Vinette, who brought It down to the year 1868. It is almost 
the only authority for the first sixteen years of Philip the Fair. The chronicle was published 
by H. Geraud, for the Soci6t6 de I'Histoire de France, Paris, 1843, 2 vols. 

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France, London, 1849, 3 vols. ; New York, 1849, 2 vols. ; The Court and Reign of Francis I, 
London, 1850, 2 vols.; The Life of Marie de Medicis, London, 1852, 3 vols. — Fare, A., (Euvres 
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1845, 3 vols. — Perreus, F. T., L'eglise et I'etat en France sous Henri IV, Paris, 1872, 2 vols.; 
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Saint-Albin, A. Rousselin-Corbeau de, Vie de Hoche, translated into English, London, 
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The chronicle of Jean Lefivre de Saint-Remy (1394-1468) is mainly an abridgment of that 
of Monstrelet, and extends from 1407 to 1436. Only in the concluding eight years of the period 
described does his narrative display any originality. 

Saint-Simon, Due de, Memoires, Paris, 1856-1858, 30 vols. — Sainte-Aulaire, L. de, His- 
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Cfeoffroy de Villehardouin was the first great historian to write in French prose. He was 
born in Champagne about the middle of the twelfth century and died in Thessaly in 1313. He 
took an active and glorious part in the fourth crusade, of which he gives a lively description, 
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Events during the Invasion of Russia in 1812, Loudon, 1860. — Wimpffen, E. F. de, Sedan, 
Paris, 1871, 3rd edition. — Witt, Mme. de, M. Guizot dans sa famille et avec ses amis, Paris, 
1880. — Woliogen, Ludwig von, Memoiren, Leipsic, 1851. 

Tonge, C. D., History of France under the Bourbons, 1589-1830, London, 1866-1867, 
4 vols. ; History of France, London and New York, 1879 ; Life of Marie Antoinette, London and 
Nfew York, 1886. — York von Wartenburg, Napoleon I. als Feldherr, Berlin, 1885-1888, 2 vols. 
— Young, A., Travels in France during 1787, 1788, 1789, London, 1793, 2 vols. 

Zevort, E., Histoire de la 3e RSpublique, Paris, 1896-1898. — Ziemssen, Die franzosische 
Revolution, Berlin, 1893. — Zurlauben, Baron de la Tour-Chatillon de, Histoire mUitaire au 
service de lia. France, Paris, 1751-1753, 8 vols. 


On the death of Louis le Debonnaire (840) the empire of Charlemagne is dismembered. 
The two younger sons of the dead monarch, Charles and Ludwig, dispute the right of 
the eldest, Lothair, to supreme authority over all the Franks. War results, and at the 
battle of Fontenailles (841) Lothair is completely defeated. This important event leads 
to the Treaty of Verdun (843), in which three kingdoms are distinctly marked : for 
Lothair, Italy and Lorraine ; for Ludwig, Germany ; and for Charles, France. 

OF VERDUN (843-987 a.d.) 

An epoch "in which," says Eitchin, "France passes through a dreary and confused 
period of formation." 

843 OharlcB (11) the Bald is king of all Oaul west of the Schelde, the Maas, the SaSne, and 

the Rhone, down to the Mediterranean, and north of the Pyrenees ; but three states 
still resist his authority, Brittany, Septimania, and Aquitaine. The Northmen are now 
coming every year, ravaging the coast and ascending the rivers. 

844 The diet of Thionville confirms the partition of the empire effected at Verdun. 

845 Nomenoe, count (or duke) of Brittany defeats Charles. Pepin of Aquitaine continues 

his resistance. 

847 Charles and his two brothers conclude an offensive and defensive alliance at Mersen. 

848 Brittany made independent by Nomenog, who takes title of king. 

850 Pepin of Aquitaine allies himself with the Northmen and Saracens against Charles. 

851 Charles defeats and imprisons Pepin and takes possession of Aquitaine. 

852 Charles makes peace with Muhammed, the Saracen ruler of Spain, who has sent his gen- 

eral, Musa, to invade France. 

853 The Northmen capture Nantes and Tours. 

854 Pepin escapes from prison and recovers Aquitaine. 

858 Ludwig of Germany invades France, but is persuaded to withdraw. The Northmen 
settle on the Oise. • 

861 Charles makes Robert the Strong count of Paris. 

863 Charles confers the duchy of Flanders on Baldwin, who had abducted and married his 
daughter Judith. On death of King Charles of Provence (son of the emperor Lothair) 
Charles the Bald makes an unsuccessful attempt to seize the kingdom. 

865 Charles again captures Pepin and takes Aquitaine. 

866 Death of Robert the Strong at battle of Brissarthe against the Northmen. 

867 Charles makes his son Louis king of Aquitaine. 

870 After the death of Lothair II, Charles divides Lorraine with Ludwig the German. 

875 On death of the emperor Ijudwig II, Charles the Bald obtains the imperial succession. 

The Northmen take Rouen. 

876 Charles fails in an attempt to seize the possessions of the son of Ludwig the German. 

877 The pope calls on Charles to drive the Saracens from Italy. Edict of Quierzy, making 

hereditary the fiefs of the counts who accompany him to Italy. Death of Charles. His 
son Louis (11) the Stammerer king of Aquitaine succeeds. 

879 Death of Louis. His two sons divide the kingdom ; Louis III ruling in northern France, 

Carloman in Burgundy and Aquitaine. 

880 The French and German kings proceed against King Boson of Burgundy, who has 

assumed that title. Siege of Vienne. 
882 Death of Louis ; Carloman rules over the whole of France. 

884 Death of Carloman. The nobles make the emperor Charles the Pat, grandson of Louis 

le Debonnaire, king of France. The empire of Charlemagne is reunited. 

885 The Northmen under Rollo besiege Paris. 

886 Charles buys the Northmen off. 

887 Deposition of Charles at diet of Tribur. He retires to Germany. 

888 Death of Charles. The nobles, disgusted with the degenerate Carlovingians, elect Eudai 

king. He rules over the land between the Maas and the Loire. Beyond the Maas, 


Amulf of Germany is recognised ; and south of the Loire, Duke Rainulf of Aquitaine 
takes the title of king. Louis, son of Boson, founds Cisjurane Burgundy ; and Rudolf 
of Auxerre founds Trausjurane Burgundy. 
889 Eudes proceeds vigorously against the Northmen. The Saracens settle at Fraxinet in 
Provence. Eudes forces Rainulf to renounce his title, but is unable to conquer southern 
France. The count of Flanders refuses obedience to Eudes. 

892 Victory of Eudes at Montpensier over the Northmen. 

893 The opponents of Eudes meet at Rheims and elect Charles (IH) the Simple, natural son 

of Louis II, king. Eudes compels Charles to flee to Arnulf. 

895 Arnulf makes Lorraine into a kingdom for his son Zwentibold. 

896 Eudes recognises title of Charles and cedes him some territory in eastern France. 
898 Death of Eudes. Charles the Simple sole king. 


911 Northmen under RoUo settle at Rouen. The Lorrainers give their kingdom to Charles. 
913 Charles gives Rollo his daughter and the duchy of Normandy for a fief. Conversion of 

Rollo to Christianity. He takes the name of Robert. The Northmen are henceforth 

the Normans of France. 
930 The Lorrainers take back their kingdom. 
923 The nobles crown Robert I (brother of Eudes and duke of France) king of France. 

Charles proceeds against him. 
933 Defeat of Charles at Soissous by Robert. Death of Robert in battle. His son-in-law 

Rudolf of Burgundy is elected to succeed. The strife with Charles continues. He is 

betrayed and imprisoned. Lorraine is given to Henry the Fowler. 
929 Death of Charles the Simple. Rudolf repulses a Magyar invasion. 
936 Death of Rudolf. Iiouis (IV ) d'Outre-Mer, son of Charles the Simple, is made king. 
938 Otto the Great prevents Louis from seizing Lorraine. 
941 Louis is defeated by Hugh the Great, duke of France. 
943 Assassination of William Longsword of Normandy. 

945 Louis defeated in his attempts on Normandy. He is vanquished and imprisoned by the 

national party under Hugh the Great. 

946 Otto the Great invades France as far as Rouen. Louis is liberated. 
948 Excommunication of Hugh at council of Ingelheim. 

954 Death of Louis. His young son liOthEur is raised to the throne. 

955 Louis gives Burgundy to Hugh. 

956 Death of Hugh the Great ; his son Hugh Capet succeeds to his title. Lothair gives him 

973 The Saracens are driven from the south of France. 
978 Lothair invades Lorraine. Otto invades France as far as Paris, and in retreat loses a 

large part of his army. 
980 Lothair abandons Upper Lorraine to Otto, but obtains Lower Lorraine and Brabant for 

his son Charles. • 

986 Death of Lothair. His son Iiouis (V) le Faineant succeeds. 



987 Death of Louis. Hugh Capet takes the throne supported by some of the nobles. Others 

advocate the claim of Charles of Lorraine. Hugh is the first French king in the modern 
sense of the word, for as duke of France, count of Paris, Orleans, etc. , he has territories 
of his own. The Carlovingiaus ruled as emperors with little or no territorial possessions. 
Hugh associates his son Robert on the throne. 

988 Charles of Lorraine invades France. 

991 Capture and Imprisonment of Charles. Opposition to Hugh by the duke of Aquitaine. 
994 Dispute of Hugh and Pope John XV over Archbishop Gerbert. 
996 Death of Hugh. His son Robert II succeeds as sole king. 

998 The pope forces Robert to repudiate his wife and cousin, Bertha. He marries Constance 
of Aquitaine. 


1010 Persecution of the Jews in France. 

1016 Robert acquires his right to the duchy of Burgundy after a fourteen years' war with the 
rebellious Otho William, who had assumed the title of Duke Henry hx 1003. 


1017 Henry, son of Robert, crowned joint king. 

1032 Thirteen Manicbsean heretics burned at Orleans ; the first of these executions. 
1028 Robert le Diable .usurps the ducal crown of Normandy. He helps Henry crush the revolt- 
ing barons. 

1031 Death of Robert. Henry I succeeds as sole king. 

1032 Henry gives the duchy of Burgundy to his brother Robert, who founds the first Capetian 

house of Burgundy, which lasts until 1861. 

1033 Robert le Diable fails in an invasion of England, and ravages Brittany. 

1035 Death of Robert le Diable. His son William the Bastard succeeds him. The "Peace of 
God " proclaimed. 

1041 The ' ' Truce of God " proclaimed. Henry captures his rebellious brother Eudes. 

1046 At the battle of Val-&-Dunes, William the Bastard brings his rebellious barons to obedi- 
ence. The dukes of Lorraine and Flanders give their homage to the German emperor. 

1054 Great victory of WiUiam over Eudes of Anjou, at Mortemer. 

1059 Henry makes his son Philip joint king. ' 

1060 Death of Henry. Philip I sole king. Brittany still independent. 
10(i6 The Norman invasion of England. 

1069 William the Bastard (the Conqueror) seizes Maine. 

1070 The people of Le Mans use the word commune or "municipality " for the first time. 

1071 Robert the Frisian invades France and defeats Philip at Cassel. 

1075 Philip compels William the Conqueror to raise the siege of Dol in Brittany. 

1076 Peace made between Philip and William. Revolt of the commune at Cambray. 
1079 Robert, son of William, rebels against his father. 

1087 Death of William, Robert succeeds as duke of Normandy ; his brother William Rufus as 

king of England. 
1090 William Rufus invades Normandy. 

1094 Quarrel of Philip and Urban II over the divorce of Queen Bertha. 

1095 Henry, son of the duke of Burgundy, receives the county of Portugal from Alfonso VI of 

Leon and Castile, and becomes the ancestor of the kings of Portugal. 

1096 The first crusaders start from France. 

1097 Robert of Normandy joins the crusade, mortgaging the duchy to William Rufus. 
1097-1099 Hostilities with William Rufus of England, who claims the French Vexin. 

1100 On death of William Rufus, Robert returns to Normandy to resume his rule. Philip 
makes his son Louis joint king. 


The opening of this century is noted for the rapid growth of town liberties. 
1104 Henry I of England invades Normandy. 

1106 Battle of Tinchebray and defeat and capture of Robert of Normandy by Henry of England. 
Normandy once more attached to England. 

1108 Death of Philip. Louis VI sole king. 

1109 War breaks out between France and England. 

1111 The count of Anjou takes possession of Maine. 

1112 Beginning of the riots of the commune of Laon, 

1119 The war between France and England is ended by the decisive defeat of Louis at Breune- 

ville. The cause of WiUiam Clito is lost. 
1124 War renewed between France and England over the possession of Normandy. 

1127 Marriage of Matilda, daughter of Henry of England, to Geoffrey Plantagenet of Anjou, 

brings the Anglo-Norman domination down to the Loire. Murder of the count of 
Flanders. Louis gives that province to William Clito. 

1128 Death of William Clito. Louis loses his influence in Flanders. 

1129 Peace arranged between Louis and Henry. 
1131 The king makes his son Louis joint king. 

1136 The marriage of the young Louis to Eleanor of Guienne (Aquitaine) unites that duchy to 

the crown. 

1137 Death of Louis. Iiouia (VII) the Young sole king. He continues the policy of his 

father, and seconds the communal movement. King Stephen of England makes a short 
invasion of Normandy. 

1140 Beginning of quarrel of Louis with the papacy over the archbishopric of Bourges. Suger 
advises Louis. 

1142 Louis attacks the count of Champagne and burns down Vitry church. 

1144 Louis makes peace with the papacy and promises to undertake a crusade. Louis interferes 
in the quarrel of Stephen and Geoffrey Plantagenet. Dismemberment of the Anglo- 
Norman monarchy ; Stephen remains king of England and count of Boulogne ; Geoffrey, 
duke of Normandy, count of Anjou, Maine, and Touraine. 

1146 Death of Geoffrey Plantagenet. His son, Henry of Anjou, inherits his possessions. 

1147 Louis departs on the Second Crusade, leaving the kingdom in charge of Suger. 


1149 Return of Louis. Queen Eleanor petitions the pope for a divorce. 

1162 The pope grants Eleanor's divorce. She marries Henry of Anjou, son of Geoffrey Planta- 

genet and Matilda. 
1154 Henry of Anjou becomes Henry H of England. Besides his French territory inherited 

from Geoffrey, he is, in his wife's name, count of Poitou and duke of Guienne. 

1158 Henry H of England adds Nantes to his possessions on death of his brother Geoffrey. 

1159 War breaks out between France and England over the possession of Toulouse. 

1161 Peace made between Henry and Louis. 

1162 Foundation of the Paris cathedral laid. 
1167 Louis renews hostilities with England. 

1169 Peace of Montmirail between England and Prance. 

1171 Brittany passes by marriage to Geoffrey, son of Henry H. 

ins Louis supports the sons of Henry II in their rebellion against their father, but is unable 

to wrest any territory from the king of England. 
1177 Henry seizes Berri and buys the county of La Marche. 
ll'j'9 Louis makes his son Philip Augustus joint king. 
1180 Death of Louis. Philip (II) Augustus sole king. 

1182 Philip banishes the Jews from France, and issues edicts against heretics. 
1185 Philip at war with the count of Flanders, during which he obtains Vermandois, Valois, 

and the county of Amiens. The duke of Burgundy is reduced to submission. 

1188 Philip induces Richard Coeur de Lion to rebel against his father Henry 11. 

1189 Henry forced to make a disastrous peace with PhUip, yielding Berri to France. Death of 

Henry II marks the beginning of the decline of the Angevin power in France. 

1190 Philip leaves for the crusade. 

1191 Philip returns to France. He abolishes the powerful ofBce of seneschal. 

1192 Phihp breaks faith with Richard, makes alliance with Prince John of England, and invades 

Normandy. The garrison of Rouen repels him. 

1193 Philip repudiates his new queen Ingeborg of Denmark. 

1194 Richard, released from captivity, makes war on Philip. 

1196 A truce between Philip and Richard. The former withdraws from Normandy and retains 
Auvergne. Philip marries Agnes of Meran. 

1198 Battle of Gisors. 

1199 Definite peace between Philip and Richard. Death of Richard. England and Normandy 

receive John as king. Brittany, Anjou, Maine, Poitou, and Touraine declare for Arthur 
of Brittany, son of Geoffrey, under protection of Philip. 

1200 Philip seizes Brittany. He makes peace with John. Excommunication of Philip and 

Agnes. The pope compels the former to take back Ingeborg. 


1202 The house of Capet prevails. John seizes Arthur of Brittany and puts him to death. 

1203 Philip invades Normandy. 

1204 Fall of Chfiteau Gaillard. John flees from Rouen to England. Normandy and Brittany 

pass to Philip. John retains only La Rochelle and a few places near the coast. Maine, 
Anjou, Touraine, and Poitou are also reunited to the royal domain. 
1206 John fails in an attempt to capture Angers. 

1208 Crusade against Raymond of Toulouse and the Albigenses (Manichsean heretics) begins. 

1209 The crusaders under Arnaud Amalric seize Bfiziers and massacre 60,000 inhabitants. 

Simon de Montfort takes Carcassonne. 

1212 Raymond, defeated at Castelnaudary, goes to Aragon for help. 

1213 Battle of Muret. Raymond of Toulouse assisted by Pedro II of Aragon is badly defeated 

by Simon de Montfoit. Raymond's possessions are given to Simon. 

1214 Philip wins a great victory at Bouvines over a coalition of John of England, Otto IV, and 

the count of Flanders. This battle firmly establishes the French monarchy. 

1215 The Lateran council ratifies the dispossession of Raymond of Toulouse. 
1316 Louis son of PhUip invades England, having been invited there by the barons. 

1217 The earl of Pembroke defeats Louis near Lincoln and he returns to France. Toulouse 

shuts out Simon de Montfort and recalls Count Raymond. 

1218 Death of Simon at siege of Toulouse. His son Amaury continues the war. 
1232 Death of Raymond of Toulouse. 

1223 Death of Philip Augustus. In his reign he doubled the royal domain and attacked feudal- 

ism in many of its vital points. His son Ijouis (VIII) the Lion succeeds. He carries 
on the struggles with England and with the Albigenses. Henry HI of England de- 
mands the restitution of Normandy and other provinces. 

1224 Amaury de Montfort, driven from the south, transfers his claim on Toulouse to Louis. 

Lower Poitou taken from England. Capture of La Rochelle. Saintonge, Angoumois, 
Limousin, Pdrigord, and part of Bordelais submit. Bordeaux and Gascony alone remain 
to England. Louis begins to free the serfs. 


1285 Louis undertak"!s a new crusade against the Albigenses. 

1226 The country between the Rhone and Toulouse (lower Languedoc) submits to Louis. Siege 

of Avignon. Doath of Louis, succeeded by his young son Iiouis IX or Saint Louis 

under regency of the queen, Blanche of Castile. The barons form a coalition, but 

Blanche defeats their plans. 
1289 The Albigensian War ended by the Treaty of Meaux. The count of Toulouse's daughter 

is married to Louis' brother. Upper Languedoc added to the royal domains. 

1230 Henry III of England lands in Brittany, but his expedition comes to nothing. 

1231 The Treaty of St. Aubin du Cormier between Blanche and the revolting nobles. 

1234 Count Thibaut of Champagne, succeeding to the throne of Navarre, sells Sancerre and 

other valuable fiefs to Louis. 
1236 Louis attains his majority ; end of the regency of Blanche of Castile. 
1238 Louis purchases the county of Macon. 

1242 Louis attempts to set his brother Alphonse over Poitou and Auvergne, and the unwilling 

barons call on Henry III of England. Henry comes to France, but is badly defeated at 
Taillebourg and Saintes by Louis. 

1243 Henry makes peace with Louis. Raymond VII of Toulouse revolts. 

1244 Raymond reduced to submission. The last of the Albigenses perish at Mont Segur. 

Louis with his three brothers assumes the cross. Louis forbids his lords to hold fiefs 
under both the king of England and of France at the same time. This greatly helps to 
develop national feeling. 

1245 Provence passes to the house of Anjou on marriage of Charles of Anjou (Louis' brother) 

to Beatrice of Provence. 

1248 Louis departs for the crusade, leaving Blanche of Castile regent. 

1249 Louis captures Damietta. 

1250 Battle of Mansurah. Capture of Louis. He is liberated upon restoring Damietta to the 

Mohammedans, and retires to Acre. 

1251 The crusade ' ' des Pastoureaux. " 

1252 Robert de Sorbon founds the Sorbonne. 

1253 Death of Blanche of Castile recalls Louis to France. 
1354 Return of Louis to France, a disappointed man. 

1258 By Peace of Corbeil with King James of Aragon, Louis settles the frontier difficulties and 

recognises the independence of the county of Barcelona. 
1859 Peace of Abbeville, yielding the Limousin, Perigord, and parts of Saintonge to Henry III, 

who renounces all claims on Normandy, Anjou, Maine, and Poitou. 

1262 Louis refuses the crown of Sicily, ofEered by Urban IV, and it is accepted by his brother, 

Charles of Anjou. 

1263 Louis arbitrates in the disputes of Henry III and his barons. 

1266 Charles of Anjou acknowledged king of Sicily. 

1267 Louis again assumes the cross. 

1269 The ' ' Pragmatic Sanction " of Louis lays the foundation of the liberties of the Galilean 

church. Its genuineness is doubted. 

1270 Publication of the " Establishments." Louis sets out on his crusade, goes to Tunis, and 

at the siege of the city dies of the plague. End of the crusading era, and close of the 
most remarkable period of the Middle Ages. The power of the king now predominates 
over that of the feudal nobles, and the prerogatives of imperial authority have become 
reunited to the crown. Roman law has been substituted for feudal justice in many 
provinces of France. 'The " Third Estate " has been developed in France, and the con- 
test against feudal society, ending in the French Revolution, has begun. 


The Elder ok Philippine Line (1270-1589 a.d.) 

1270 Louis succeeded by his son, Philip (III) the Bold. 

1871 Death of Alfonso and Joan of Toulouse. Philip inherits the county. 

1272 Philip goes to war with the counts of Foix and Armagnac and defeats them. 

1273 Philip yields the pope the county of Venaissin and half of Avignon. 

1274 On death of Henry I of Navarre, Philip occupies his French possessions, Champagne and 

Brie, as guardian of the infant heiress Joan, and places French officials in Navarre. He 

buys the county of Nemours. 
1276 War breaks out with Castile over the occupation of Navarre. Siege of Pamplona. 

Philip's expedition is unfortunate, and a truce is concluded with Castile. 
1279 Philip gives some fiefs to Edward I of England. 


1283 At the instigation of Charles of Anjou, Philip makes war on Aragon. The pope ofiers 

the throne of Aragon to Charles of Valois, son of Philip. 

1284 Marriage of the king's son, Philip, to Joan of Navarre. 

1385 The war with Aragon continues. Philip captures Elne. His fleet is badly defeated, and 
he dies at Perpignan. The Langue d'oil begins to replace the Langue d'oc. 

Elder Srcmch of the Philippine I/ine 

1285 Philip (IV) the Fair succeeds his father. By his marriage with Joan of Navarre, 

Champagne, Chartres, and Blois are united to France. One year's truce made between 

France and Aragon. 
1287 Edward I of England arranges peace between France and Aragon. Charles of Valois 

abandons his pretensions to the crown of Aragon. 
1289 The pope induces Charles of Valois to resume his claim to Aragon. 
1291 Treaty of Aix, between Prance and Aragon. 

1293 War breaks out between France and England. Philip invades Quienne. 

1294 The emperor of Germany and the count of Flanders join Edward I against Philip. 

1295 John Baliol of Scotland joins France against England. 

1296 Philip resists the papal bull forbidding the clergy to pay taxes to princes. He forbids the 

exportation of money from France. Boniface VHI threatens excommunication. The 
earl of Lancaster invades Guienne. 

1297 Philip defeats the count of Flanders at Fumes. Philip and Boniface are reconciled. 

1299 Boniface arranges peace between France and England. A marriage between Philip's 

daughter and Edward's sou is arranged. 

1300 Charles of Valois conquers the count of Flanders ; his lands united to the crown. 


1301 Quarrel with Boniface over the bishop of Pamiers. 

1302 The Flemings revolt against Philip, who is badly defeated at Courtrai, "Battle of the 

Spurs. " The first states-general convoked. 

1303 Philip sends Guillaume de Nogaret to Italy, who, with the aid of the Colonna, captures 

and imprisons Boniface. He is thus rid of his worst antagonist. 

1304 Fresh revolt of the Flemish, who are defeated at Mons-en-Pev§le. Philip makes peace. 

They cede him some territory, and he gives them back their count. 

1305 Philip procures the election of Clement V to the papacy. 

1306 Revocations of the bulls of Boniface against Philip. 

1807 Arrest of the Templars, Jacques de Molay, and other knights. 

1309 The holy see is fixed at Avignon. 

1310 Trial and condemnation of the Templars. Many are burned alive, 

1312 Suppression of the order of the Templars at the council of Vienna. The Beghards and 
Beguines of Flanders are condemned. Philip acquires Lyon by purchase. 

1314 Burning of Jacques de Molay. Death of Philip the Fair. His son, Iiouis (X) the Quar- 

relsome, already king of Navarre, which is now united to France, succeeds. 

1315 Execution of Enguerrand de Marigny. 

1315-1316 Great famine in France. Louis fails in an expedition against Flanders. 

1316 Death of Louis. A posthumous son, John (I), lives only seven days. On account of the 

Salic law, the throne of France passes to Louis' brother, Philip (V) the Tall. 
1318 The state council established. 
1322 Death of Philip. His brother, Charles (IV) the Fair, succeeds. He has constant 

trouble in Flanders, and favours the rebellion of Isabella of England and Mortimer. 
1324 First historical mention of gunpowder, used by the inhabitants of Metz. 
1328 Death of Charles without male issue. The direct line of the Capets comes to an end. 

Yownger Branch of the Philippine Line (House of Valois). {Descendants of Philip III through 
a Younger Son, Charles of Valois) 

1328 Philip (VI) of Valois, cousin of Charles IV, and son of Charles of Valois, succeeds to 

the throne of France. Navarre is given to Joan II, daughter of Louis X. Edward III 
of England puts forward a claim to the French throne through his mother, Isabella, 
daughter of Philip the Fair. Philip defeats the Flemings at CasseL 

1329 Edward III gives homage for Guienne and Ponthieu. 
1332 Trial and banishment of Robert of Artois. 

1334 Edward III, influenced by Robert of Artois, claims the French throne. 

1336 The count of Flanders, on Philip's suggestion, arrests the English merchants in Antwerp. 

Edward prohibits exports of wool. 
1837 The Flemish cities, led b^ Jacob van Aitevelde, pat tbemselyea under the protection of 


Bngland. Edward sends a fleet to Flanders. The blockade of Cadsand is raised. Be^n- 
ning of the Hundred Years' War. 

1338 Edward arrives at Antwerp. 

1339 Edward assumes title of king of France. 

1340 Defeat of the French fleet at Sluys. The English obtain mastery of the British Channel. 

Edward besieges Tournay unsuccessfully. Philip seizes Guienne. A truce is concluded. 

1341 Death of John III of Brittany without issue. The duchy claimed by his brother, John de 

Montfort, and his niece, Joan de Penthievre, wife of Charles of Blois. Philip espouses 
cause of Joan, and Edward that of John. Philip captures De Montfort. His wife, 
Joan, continues the war. Charles of Blois takes the duchy. 

1342 Joan de Montfort besieged in Hennebon, and is relieved by the English. Edward besieges 

Vannes, Rennes, and Nantes. 
1348 The war in Brittany interrupted by a three years' truce. 

1344 Philip invites Olivier de Clisson and other Breton chiefs to Paris, and treacherously 

beheads them ; upon which the war with England breaks out afresh. The French 
defeated at Bergerac in Guienne. The English invade Perigord. 

1345 The French defeated at Auberoche ; the count de Lisle is taken prisoner. Van Artevelde 

slain in a riot in Ghent. Edward returns to Bngland. 
1846 Edward lands at La Hogue. He and the Black Prince administer a crushing defeat to the 
French at Crecy. Edward returns to Calais, which he besieges. Philip recalls his son 
from the south, which the English overrun. They take Poitiers. 

1347 Charles of Blois captured by Joan de Montfort in the struggle for the duchy of Brittany. 

His wife, Joan de Penthievre, continues the war. (S,pture of Calais by Edward. 
Philip obtains a ten months' truce. 

1348 The Black Death rages in France. 

1349 Philip buys Montpellier from James K of Majorca. Humbert II, heir to Dauphine, 

concludes treaty with Philip, selling his estates to him on condition that the eldest son 
of the French king shall take the name of dauphin. The fief and title given to the 
king's grandson Charles. France now reaches to the Alps. 

1350 Death of PhUip. His son, John (II) the Good, succeeds. Charles the Bad of Navarre 

claims Champagne and Angoumois, but John holds them and seizes Charles' fiefs in 
Normandy. Charles passes to the English side. 

1351 The first court order, "the Star, " established. True chivalry is being replaced by an 

oflicial one. 

1352 The Breton war continued. " Battle of the Thirty." 

1355 The English renew their ravages. John appeals to the people. 

1356 Great defeat of the French at Poitiers. John captured and taken to England. His son 

Charles assumes the regency. A two years' truce concluded. 

1357 Marcel brings forward his reform measures, restricting royal prerogatives, in the states- 

general. Charles of Navarre champions the cause. 

1358 Murder of the dauphin's ministers. Revolts of the peasants. ' ' La Jacquerie "is put 

down with much bloodshed. Murder of Marcel by the dauphin's party. 

1359 Edward again invades France, and besieges Rheims. 

1360 Edward advances to Paris. Peace of Bretigny concluded. Edward renounces claim to 

French throne, and all territory north of the Loire except Calais, Quines, and Ponthieu 
in Picardy. He takes Guienne and adjoining provinces. John ransomed. 

1361 Defeat of James de Bourbon by brigands near Brignais. End of the first line of Bur- 

gundian dukes with death of Philip de Rouvre. The duchy reverts to the crown. 
1363 John returns to England. 

1363 John gives Burgundy to his fourth son Philip, who founds the second Burgundian house. 

1364 Death of John in London. The dauphin, Charles (V) the Wise, already regent, 

succeeds. Charles the Bad sends an army to Normandy to recover his confiscated fiefs. 
Bertrand du Guesclin defeats it at Cocherel. End of war of the Breton Succession, by 
the battle of Auray, in which Charles of Blois is killed. 

1365 By the treaty of Guerande, John de Montfort is recognised duke of Brittany. Charles 

of Blois' widow receives Penthievre and Limoges. John does homage to Charles V. 
Peace with Charles of Navarre. He exchanges Montpellier for his Norman fiefs. 

1366 The English parliament declares the succession of John the Good to have been illegal. 

Du Guesclin forms a great company, marches to Avignon, receives a large sum from 
the pope, and goes to Castile, expelling Pedro the Cruel from the throne. 

1367 The Black Prince sides with Pedro. Battle of Navarrette. Du Guesclin captured and 

Pedro restored. 

1368 The Gascon nobles appeal to Charles from the Black Prince, now prince of Aquitaine. 

1369 The war is renewed. Du Guesclin restores Henry of Trastamara to the throne of Castile. 

The states-general declare Guienne confiscated. An English army lands at Calais. The 
Black Prince attacks from the south. 
1870 Sack of Limoges by the English. The Black Prince is succeeded by the earl of Pembroke. 
Du Guesclin made constable of France. A part of the Limousin is conquered by Franca 
The count of Auxerre sells his county to the crown. 

B. W. — voir. 2UH.B 


1373 Poitiers and La Rochelle retaken by tlie Frencli. England loses Poitou. 
1373 The English under John of Gaunt make a futile invasion of France. 
1375 A truce concluded between Edward and Charles. 

1377 Death of Edward III. Charles breaks the truce and renews the war. 

1378 Charles begins a futile attempt to seize Brittany. 

1379 Charles of Navarre cedes many places to the French. The Bretons sign articles of con- 

federation and recall John IV. Cruelties of Anjou in Languedoc. 

1380 Treaty signed between England and Brittany. Death of Du Guesclin, and of Charles. 

Bayonne, Bordeaux, Brest, Cherbourg, and Calais alone remain to the English. 

Elder Branch of the Mouse of Valois 

1380 Charles (VI) the Well Beloved succeeds his father at the age of twelve under the 
guardianship of his three uncles — the dukes of Anjou, Burgundy, and Berri. Olivier 
de Clisson made constable of France. 

1382 Revolt of Philip van Artevelde in Flanders. The French defeat the men of Ghent at 
Roosebeke. Artevelde is slain. 

1384 At death of Louis de MSle, count of Flanders, that county is united to Burgundy, the 

duke of which has married Louis de Male's daughter. Truce witb England. 

1385 Peace made with Flanders. 

1386 Charles declares war on England, and makes extensive preparations. 
1388 Failure of an expedition against Gelderland. Charles begins his rule. 

1393 Attempt to assassinate the constable De Clisson. Charles becomes insane. Burgundy 
and Berri seize government, setting aside the king's brother, the duke of Orleans. 
The great civil discord between Burgundy and Orleans begins. 

1395 A twenty-eight years' truce signed with Richard II of England. Charles accepts the 

protectorate of Genoa. 

1396 Marriage of Richard II with Isabella, daughter of Charles. Great defeat of John the 

Fearless, son of the duke of Burgundy, in his crusade against Bajazet at Nicopolis. 
1399 Deposition of Richard II destroys the alliance with England. 


1401-1404 The struggle between the dukes of Burgundy and Orleans continues. 

1404 Death of Philip of Burgundy, succeeded by his son John the Fearless. 

1405 John the Fearless enters Paris. 

1406 The duke of Orleans obtains the duchy of Aquitaine. 

1407 Murder of the duke of Orleans at the instigation of John the Fearless. 

1408 John defeats the Lilgeois at Hasbain. 

1409 Peace of Chartres between the Burgundian and Orleans factions. 

1410 The count d'Armagnac — whose daughter married the murdered duke of Orleans' son — 

assumes head of the Orleans faction, henceforth known as the Armagnacs. Peace of 
BicStre between Burgundians and Armagnacs. Insurrection of the Cabochians in Paris. 

1411 The Armagnacs break the Peace of Bicitre, and begin to ravage the north of France. 

The Burgundians apply to Henry IV of England for aid. John the Fearless makes 
himself master of Paris and Picardy. 
1413 The Armagnacs invest Bourges. Peace of Bourges, renewing that of Chartres. 

1413 The Armagnacs obtain the ascendency in Paris, the dauphin Louis at their head. 

1414 Treaty of Arras between the Burgundians and Armagnacs. Henry V of England prepares 

for war. 

1415 Henry takes Harfleur, and wins at Agincourt. 

1416 The count of Armagnac lays siege to Harfleur, but desists for want of funds. 

1417 Henry takes Caen ; makes treaties with Anjou, Brittany, and Burgundy. 

1418 Massacre of the Armagnacs in Paris. 

1419 Henry captures Rouen. John the Fearless is murdered. His son Philip the Good succeeds 

him and joins the English party. Queen Isabella joins the Anglo-Burgundians. Paris 
leans towards the English. 

1420 The Treaty of Troyes. Henry V recognised as heir to the French throne. He marries 

the princess Catherine. All France north of the Loire becomes English. 
1431 Defeat of the English by the national party at Baug6. 

1422 Death of Henry V. His young son Henry declared king of France with the duke of Bed- 

ford as regent. Death of Charles VI two months after Henry's. The dauphin Charles 
VII is proclaimed king at Mehun. 

1423 Lords Salisbury and SufEolk defeat the French and their Scotch allies at Cravant. 

1424 The duke of Bedford defeats the French and Scotch at Verneuil. 
1438 The duke of Bedford begins siege of Orleans. 

1429 The French badly defeated at Bouvray, "battle of the Herrings," Joan of Axe appears 


at Orleans and raises the siege. Englisli defeated at Patay by Joan. She enters Troyes 
and the English withdraw. ChSlous opens its gates to the French. Coronation of 
Charles at Rheims. The duke of Burgundy founds the order of the Golden Fleece. 

1430 The duke of Burgundy acquires Brabant. Joan's success continues until she is captured 

by the Burgundians at CompiSgne and sold to the duke of Bedford. 

1431 Henry VI crowned king of France at Paris. Execution of Joan of Arc at Rouen. 

1433 The French take Chartres from the English. 

1434 Revolts in Normandy against the English. 

1435 Congress of all the Christian states at Arras to re-establish peace. The duke of Burgundy 

joins the French. 

1436 The English are permitted to retire from Paris. 

1437 Charles enters Paris. 

1438 Charles summons council at Bourges. The " Pragmatic Sanction" enacted therein 

declares the pope subordinate to a general council and annuls his fiscal rights. 

1439 The states-general provides for the establishment of a standing army. The nobles form 

an opposition known as the " Praguerie," headed by the dauphin Louis. 

1440 The Praguerie overthrown. Louis is sent to Dauphine to govern. 

1441 Charles crushes the freebooters in Champagne and drives the English from Pontoise. 

1443 Charles and the dauphin repulse the English from Dieppe and suppress the count of 

Armagnac in the south. 

1444 Two years' truce concluded with England. Marriage of Margaret of Anjou and Henry 

VI of England arranged. The French wiu a victory at Sankt Jakob near Bfile. Charles 
unsuccessfully besieges Metz. 

1445 Organisation of the regular army effected. 

1449 The last stage of the Hundred Years' War begins. Surienne seizes FougSres, Many 

towns in Normandy and Brittany taken by the French. 

1450 Kyriell, with an army from England, is beaten at Formigny. Rehabilitation of Joan of 


1451 The French attack Gtuienne. Bordeaux and Bayonne captured. 

1453 Battle of CastiUon. The English defeated. Charles enters Bordeaux, and the Hundred 
Years' War is over. Guienne again a part of France. The English retain only Calais 
and two neighbouring towns in France. 

1456 The dauphin takes refuge at court of Philip of Burgundy. 

1461 Death of Charles ; succeeded by his son Louis XI. 

1462 Louis receives Roussillon and Cerdagne as guarantee for a loan to the king of CastUe. 

1463 Louis ransoms back from the duke of Burgundy the towns on the Somme given him by 

the Treaty of Arras. 

1465 Formation of the "league of the Public Weal" nominally headed by Louis' brother, 

Charles the dake of Berri, against the king. Louis, besieged in Paris, agrees to the 
treaties of Conflans and St. Maur, favourable to the nobles. 

1466 Louis takes Normandy from his brother. 

1467 Death of Philip the Good of Burgundy; succeeded by Charles the Bold. Edward IV of 

England, the kings of Castile and of Aragon, and the dukes of Burgundy and of Brit- 
tany form a new league against Louis. 

1468 Interview with Charles the Bold at Peronne. Louis signs a treaty similar to that of 


1469 Guienne is given to the duke of Berri. Charles the Bold compels Louis to accompany 

him on his expedition to punish the men of LiSge. Louis aids Warwick against 
Edward IV. 

1470 Assembly at Tours declares Treaty of Peronne null. 

1471 Coalition of the dukes of Brittany and Guienne against Louis. Truce of Amiens. 

1473 Death of the duke of Guienne breaks up the coaUtion. Charles of Burgundy attacks 
Louis. Charles makes truce with Louis at Senlis. 

1473 Charles the Bold acquires a portion of Lorraine. Arrest of the duke of Alengon. Assas- 

sination of the count d' Armagnac. 

1474 League headed by the archduke Sigismund formed against Charles the Bold. He 

besieges Neuss, but is forced to retire. Louis takes towns in Picardy from him. 
Revolt in Roussillon. Louis sends an army to take Perpignan. 

1475 Treaty of Picquigny. Truce between Louis and Charles. Charles conquers Lorraine and 

enters Nancy. 

1476 Charles defeated by the Swiss at Granson and at Morat. 

1477 The duke of Lorraine and the Swiss attack Nancy. Charles falls in its defence. As he 

leaves no male heir the crown resumes possession of Burgundy. Louis also seizes 
Franche-Comtfi. His armies recover Picardy and enter Flanders. Mary of Burgundy 
marries Maximilian, son of Frederick III. This transfers Brabant, Luxemburg, Franche- 
Comte, Flanders, Hainault, etc., to Austria. 

1479 Louis defeated by Maximilian at Guinegate. 

1480 Truce with Maximilian. The free-archer army abandoned ; the cities supply money in 

place of men. The age of foreign mercenaries begins. 


1481 Louis inierits Anjou, Maine, and Provence on death of Charles of Anjou. 

1483 Treaty of Arras with the Burgundians. Maximilian gives his daughter to the dauphin 

with Artois and Franche-ComtS for her dowry. 
1483 Death of Louis. He has crushed feudalism and substituted aristocracy for anarchy. His 

young son Charles VIII succeeds, with Anne de Beaujeu as regent. 

1485 The duke of Orleans revolts. Orleans is captured, but Francis H of Brittany prepares for 

war with France. 

1486 Maximilian invades Artois, breaking the Treaty of Arras. 

1488 Louis de la Tr^mouille defeats the Bretons at St. Aubin du Cormier. Treaty of Sable. 
Death of Francis 11. Anne outwits plan of Maximilian to marry Francis' daughter 
Anne of Brittany, and secures her for Charles, who abandons the proposed alliance 
with Maximilian's daughter. 

1491 Marriage of Charles and Anne of Brittany unites Brittany and the crown of France. 

Anne de Beaujeu retires from the regency. 

1492 Henry VII of England invades France and lays siege to Boulogne. Maximilian attacks 

Artois. Peace of feaples with England. 

1493 Treaty of Narbonne with Ferdinand the Catholic. Charles restores Eoussillon and Cer- 

dagne to Spain. Treaty of Senlis with Maximilian, who recovers Artois, Franche- 
Comte, and Charolais for his son. 

1494 Charles invades Italy. The duke of Orleans defeats the Neapolitan fleet at Rapallo. 

Charles enters Pisa, Florence, and Rome in triumph. 

1495 Charles enters Naples. The Italian princes unite with the pope, the emperor, and Fer- 

dinand and Isabella against him. Charles defeats the allies at Pomovo. Treaty of 
Novara. Charles cuts his way through to France. 

1496 The French garrison at Naples capitulates and returns to France. 

1498 Death of Charles VIII with no living heir. The crown passes to the duke of Orleans. 

The Younger Branch of the House of Valois [(Valois- Orleans) descended from Charles V 
through Louis, Duke of Orleans, his Second Son] 

1498 Iiouis XII. His assumption of the crown reunites Orleans and Valois to the kingdom. 

In order to preserve the union with Brittany, Louis obtains the pope's permission to 
divorce his virtuous but unloved wife Joan of France, that he may marry Anne of 
Brittany. Louis in return invests Caesar Borgia with the Valentinois and Diois. 

1499 Marriage of Louis and Anne assures the union of Brittany. Louis claims Milan through 

his grandmother Valentina Visconti. Alliance with Venice. Louis enters the Milanese 
with an army and takes possession of the city. Lodovico Sforza flees to the Tyrol. 

1500 The Milanese recall Lodovico. He is betrayed into Louis' hands at Novara, and the latter 

takes him to France. Treaty with Ferdinand the Catholic to take the kingdom of Sicily. 


1501 Frederick II of Naples surrenders to Louis' army. 

1502 France and Spain begin to quarrel over the partition of Sicily. Hostilities in Naples. 

1503 French defeat at Seminara. The duke of Nemours killed at Cerignola. Gonsalvo de 

Cordova wins a decisive victory over the French on the GarigUano and the whole 
kingdom of Sicily becomes subject to Spain. 

1504 Louis signs the three treaties of Blois : the first, an alliance with Maximilian to attack 

Venice ; the second, to arrange for the investiture of the Milanese ; the third, to ar- 
range the marriage of Charles of Austria with Louis' daughter Claude, giving Brit- 
tany, Burgundy, Blois, and the French claims in Italy as dowry. 

1505 Louis gives his claim to the kingdom of Sicily to Qermaine de Foix on her marriage to 

Ferdinand the Catholic, which breaks the third treaty of Blois. 

1506 Loais convokes the states-general at Tours to declare that Brittany and Burgundy cannot 

be alienated from the crown. 

1507 Louis takes Genoa. He returns to France, giving the city back its laws and liberties. 

Interview with Ferdinand at Savona. 

1508 Formation of the League of Cambray against Venice. 

1509 Louis defeats the Venetians at Agnadello, and soon has possession of northern Italy. 

1510 Pope Julius II makes peace with Venice, and allies himself with the Swiss. 

1511 The French army surprises the pontifical forces before Bologna. Defeat of Julius at 

Casalecchio. Louis convokes a council at Pisa to depose the pope. Julius interdicts 
Pisa and summons a new council at St. John the Lateran. Formation of the Holy 
League, the pope, Spain, England, the empire, Venice, and the Swiss, one of its objects 
being to drive the French from Italy. 
1513 Gaston de Foix takes Bologna, Brescia, and wins a brilliant victory at Ravenna, but loses 
his life. The French lose Italy. Ferdinand the Catholic invades and conquers Navarre. 


Henry VIII declares war on France and sends an army to help Ferdinand invade Gas- 
cony. The English return home. 

1513 Louis continues struggle in Italy. Henry VIII lands an army at Calais. Defeat of La 

Tremouille at Novara by the Swiss and Massimiliano Sforza. Genoa frees itself from 
French suzerainty. The English and the emperor-elect Maximilian besiege Thfirouanne 
and defeat a relief army of the French at Guinegate ("battle of the Spurs "). The Swiss 
invade France. Treaty of Dijon between French and Swiss reconciles France with the 
holy see. Indecisive naval battle of the French and English off Brest. 

1514 Death of Anne of Brittany. Marriage of the princess Claude and Francis d'Angouleme. 

They are invested with the duchy of Brittany. Truce of Orleans with the emperor 
and Ferdinand the Catholic. Treaty of peace with Henry VIII signed at London. 
Louis marries Mary Tudor, sister of Henry. 

1515 Death of Louis XII ; succeeded by his son-in-law, Francis I, of the Orleans-Angoulime 

family. Francis makes alliance with the archduke Charles (prince of Castile). Francis 
invades Italy with a large army, and defeats the forces of the pope, the emperor, and 
Ferdinand at Marignano. Genoa places itself in France's hands. 

1516 Concordat with Leo X, bartering away the liberties of the French clergy. Francis re- 

turns to France, bringing back the ideas of the Renaissance. Treaty of Nyon with 
Charles, by which French Navarre is restored to the D'Albrets. Perpetual peace signed 
with the Swiss. 

1518 Henry VIII sells Tournaisis to France. Foundation of Le Havre. 

1519 Death of the emperor Maximilian. Struggle for the imperial crown between Francis, 

Charles, and Henry VIII. Election of Charles V. 

1520 Meeting of Francis and Henry VIII on the Field of the Cloth of Gold, but Francis fails to 

make the desired alliance, which Henry concludes with Charles V. 

1531 Charles claims Burgundy. A French army invades Navarre. Capture of Pamplona. 

Leo treats with Francis and then deserts him for Charles. The duke de Bouillon at- 
tacks Luxemburg. The imperials seize the duchy of Bouillon and invade Champagne. 
Bayard drives them from Mezieres. The French lose Tournay. French defeat at 
LogroBo. The Spaniards recover Navarre. Lautrec abandons Milan, Parma, and 
Piacenza in Lombardy. 
1523 Defeat of Lautrec by Prospero Colonna at La Bicocca. Colonna takes Genoa. Francis 
goes to the war, leaving the kingdom under the regency of his mother, Louise of 
Savoy. The Spaniards forced to raise the siege of Fuenterrabia in Navarre. The earl 
of Surrey ravages the coasts of Brittany and Normandy. 

1523 The pope, the emperor, Henry VIII, and many of the Italian governments form a league 

against France. Secret alliance of the Porte and France. Bourbon joins the Spanish 
army in Italy. 

1524 The French driven out of the Milanese. The imperials fail in an attack on Picardy. The 

constable De Bourbon invades Provence. Siege of Marseilles. Francis goes to Italy 
with a large army, reoccupies Milan ; besieges Pavia, to which Francis lays siege. 
The pope concludes a secret treaty with France and Florence. 

1525 Battle of Pavia. Francis made prisoner and taken to Madrid. The Spaniards masters of 

Milan. Henry VIII breaks the alliance with Charles and makes treaty with Louise of 
Saxony. First persecution of Protestants in France. 

1536 Treaty of Madrid to effect release of Francis, who agrees to give up Burgundy, his ItaUan 

claims, Artois, and Flanders. On his return to France he refuses to give up Burgundy. 

Formation of a holy league by Francis with the pope, England, Venice, Florence, and 

the Swiss, to deliver Italy from the Spaniards. 
1587 Capture and sack of Rome by the imperials under the constable De Bourbon, who is 

killed. Lautrec takes Genoa and nearly all the duchy of Milan and marches on Rome. 

By Bourbon's death, Bourbonnais, La Marche, and Auvergne are united to the crown. 

Unsuccessful siege of Naples by Lautrec. 
1589 French under Saint-Pol defeated at Landriano. The French driven from Italy. The pope 

deserts France and signs alliance with Charles V. The Treaty of Cambray (the " Ladies' 

Peace " ) arranged by Louise of Savoy and the emperor's aunt, Margaret of Austria. 

1532 Francis makes alliance with Henry VIII, who has quarrelled with the pope, and also with 

the Protestant league of Smalkald. 

1533 Meeting of Francis and the pope at Marseilles. The friendship of Francis and Henry 

VIII is broken up. Francis demands the hand of Catherine de' Medici for his son 

1534 Francis makes a definite alliance with the Porte. 

1535 Francis decides to occupy Savoy on behalf of a claim descending from his mother. 

1636 Charles V seizes Milan, and Francis declares war on him. The emperor invades Provence, 
loses half his army, and returns to Italy. Sudden death of the dauphin ; suspicions of 
poison. Treaty with Turkey. 

1537 War continues in Artois. Truce between France and the Netherlands. 

1538 Ten years' Truce of Nice with the emperor. Francis holds Hesdin, Savoy, and Piedmont. 

1539 Friendly interview at Aigues-Mortes between Charles and Francis. 


1541 Francis declares war on Charles and forms league with Denmark, Sweden, and the 

Protestant states of Germany. 

1542 Siege of Perpignan by the dauphin Henry. 

1543 Henry VIH, reconciled to Charles V, concludes an alliance against France. Campaign of 

Charles V against the duke of Cleves. A Franco-Turkish fleet besieges Nice, which 
surrenders. The Spaniards enter Provence and Dauphine and take Lyons. 

1544 The duke d'Enghien wins the battle of Ceresole. Henry VHI lands at Calais, takes 

Boulogne, and besieges Montreuil. Charles V takes St. Dizier. Peace of Crespy between 
Charles and Francis, giving back their recent conquests. Henry VIH will not agree to 
the peace and returns to England. 

1545 French fleet threatens England, but is repulsed. Severe persecution of the Vaudois. 

1546 Peace with Heuiy VIH, who promises to give back Boulogne in eight years. 

1547 Death of Francis, succeeded by his son Henry II. 

1548 A revolution against the gabelle in Guienne put down by Anne de Montmorency. Bordeaux 

is cruelly chastised. Alliance with Scotland. Mary Stuart affianced to the dauphin. 
Marriage of Jeanne d'Albret and Anthony de Bourbon. 

1549 Henry II enters Boulogne, while an English fleet is defeated off Guernsey. 

] 550 Treaty of peace between France, England, and Scotland. France recovers Boulogne. 

1551 Edict of Chfiteaubriant against heretics. 

1552 Henry invades Lorraine. He conquers the Three Bishoprics and adds them to the crown. 

The emperor besieges the French in Metz. 

1553 The French and the Turks take a portion of Corsica from the Genoese. 

1554 Andrea Doria recovers the Corsican conquest. Henry II ravages Brabant and Hainault. 

1555 Brissac takes Casale. 

1556 Truce of Vaucelles between Henry and Charles V. Abdication of Charles. Henry and 

Pope Paul IV unite. The pope absolves Henry from the truce. 

1557 Emmanuel Philibert, with the help of the English, badly defeats the French at St. 

Quentin. Brave defence of St. Quentin by Admiral Coligny. Guise and the pope 
defeated at Civitella in the Abruzzi by the duke of Alva. The pope compelled to make 
peace with the Spaniards. 

1558 Investment of Calais by the duke of Guise. The town surrenders and the English lose 

their last inch of French territory. Marriage of Mary, queen of Scots, and the dauphin 
Francis. Guise takes Dunkirk, Nieuport, and other coast towns, but is defeated at 
Gravelines by Count Egmont. 

1559 Peace of Cateau-Cambr^sis, between France, Spain, and England. France retains the 

Three Bishoprics and Calais, recovers Ham and St. Quentin. France and Spain secretly 
agree to suppress heresy. Henry holds a tournament in honour of the peace, at which 
he is accidentally slain. His young son Francis II succeeds. Francis is governed by 
his mother Catherine de' Medici, the duke of Guise, and the cardinal De Lorraine. 

1560 Failure of a Huguenot plan to abduct the king. The states-general assembles at Orleans 

to consider the Huguenot question. Arrest of the prince of Conde and the king of 
Navarre at Orleans for complicity in the Huguenot plot. Death of Francis. His young 
brother Charles IX, ten years old, succeeds. The Guises are defeated in their plans to 
crush the Huguenots in the south. 

1561 Mary Stuart compelled to leave France. This marks the fall of the Guises. Conference 

of Poissy. Montmorency goes over to the Guises and the triumvirate of Guise, Mont- 
morency, and Marshal Saint- Andr6 is formed. L'H6pital convokes the states-general at 

1563 Edict of January favourable to the Huguenots. Massacre of the Huguenots at Vassy 
marks the opening of the civil or religious wars. Coligny and Condfi collect an army. 
Anthony of Navarre captures Rouen and dies of a wound. English auxiliaries arrive 
to aid the Huguenots. They take possession of Le Havre. Defeat of the Huguenots 
at Dreux. Jeanne d'Albret encourages Protestantism in Navarre. The French abandon 
Turin and other Piedmoutese towns to the duke of Savoy. 

1568 Catherine de' Medici makes the Peace of Amboise with Conde, giving the Calvinists free- 
dom of worship in the towns they hold. End of the first religious war. Le Havre 
retaken from the English. 

1664 Peace concluded at Troyes between Catherine and Elizabeth of England. Catherine and 
Charles IX visit the provinces in the interest of the struggle against Calvinism. 

1565 Conference at Bayonne between Catherine and the duke of Alva, supposedly concerning 

the extermination of the Protestants. 

1566 L'HSpital issues the ordinance of Moulins for the reformation of justice. 

1567 Rumours that Catherine is raising an army to destroy the Protestants leads to the second 

civil war. Condfi blockades Paris. Battle of St. Denis, in which the Catholics are 
victorious. The Spaniards expel the French colonists In Florida as heretics. 

1568 Peace of Longjumeau closes the second war. Peace of Amboise renewed. The third 

religious war. Catherine de' Medici issues an edict prohibiting the exercise of the 
Huguenot religion. 

1569 The Huguenots defeated at Jaruac by Henry of Anjou. Assassination of the captive prince 


of Condi. The young Henry of Navarre, son of Jeanne d'Albret, named generalissimo 
of tlie Calvinist army. Coligny defeated at Moncontour. 

1570 Peace of St. Germain closes the third war. It is the most favourable peace the Hugue- 

nots have yet won. Charles marries Elisabeth, daughter of Maximilian. 

1571 The court makes treacherous advances to the Huguenots. The Huguenots hold the 

synod of La Rochelle. Growth of the politique party — the moderate Catholics. 

1572 Catherine plans a massacre. Death of Jeanne d'Albret at the court. Henry of Navarre 

marries Marguerite of Valois. Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Great slaughter of the 
Huguenots in Paris and the provinces. Henry of Navarre and the prince of Cond§ save 
their lives by a sudden conversion to Catholicism. The fourth religious war follows. 

1573 The cities in the south revolt. The duke of Anjou proclaimed king of Poland. Treaty of 

La Rochelle with the Huguenots, allowing them greater privileges than they have yet 

1574 The duke of AleuQon and the politiques join the Huguenots. Death of Charles. His 

brother Henry HI resigns the Polish crown to take that of France. The fifth religious 
war breaks out. 

1575 Marriage of Henry and Louise de Vaud^mont. The king attaches himself to the Guise 

party. Compact of Milhaud between the politiques and the Huguenots. Victory of 
Guise at Dormans over a German army sent by Conde. 

1576 The Peace of Monsieur, concluded by the duke d'Alengon at Beaulieu, ends the fifth war. 

It is favourable both for the politiques and the Huguenots. The high Catholic party 
forms the league headed by the duke of Guise. Henry of Navarre renounces Catholi- 
cism and again heads the Huguenots. The sixth religious war breaks out. 

1577 The Peace of Bergerac ends the sixth war. 

1578 The duke of Anjou (formerly d'Alengon), having rejoined the court party, deserts it and 

makes friends with the Calvinists in the Netherlands. 

1579 Henry founds the order of the Holy Ghost. The " Gallants' War," or seventh religious 

war, breaks out between Henry of Navarre and Henry III. Reformation of the civil 
code by the ordinance of Blois. 

1580 Treaty of Pleix closes the seventh war. It is brought about by the mediation of the duke 

of Anjou, to whom the United Provinces have offered their sovereignty. 
1583 Elizabeth of England refuses marriage offer of the duke of Anjou. 

1583 The duke of Anjou fails to capture Antwerp, and retires in disgrace to France. 

1584 Death of the duke of Anjou makes Henry of Navarre heir presumptive. Treaty of Join- 

ville between the duke of Guise and Philip of Spain to exclude heretics from the throne 
of France. 

1585 Henry III concludes Treaty of Nemours with the duke of Guise, becoming nominal head 

of the league. The " war of the Three Henrys " (the king, Guise, and Navarre), or 
the eighth religious war, breaks out. The leaguers are defeated at Qien and in 
Touraine. Paris is threatened. The pope attempts to repudiate Henry of Navarre's 
claim to the French throne. The English assist Conde, and relieve La Rochelle. 

1587 Henry of Navarre wins at Coutras ; the duke of Guise, at Vimory and Auneau. 

1588 The duke of Guise marches to Paris. Day of the Barricades. The king is obliged to flee 

and appoint Guise lieutenant-general. The king has both the duke of Guise and his 
brother, the cardinal, assassinated. 

1589 Henry III joins his army with that of the Huguenots to oppose the league, now headed by 

the duke of Mayenne. Henry of Navarre takes many towns, and the two kings appear 
in sight of Paris. On the eve of the attack Henry III is assassinated. 


The Younger or Eobbrtine Line (House op Bourbon) (1589-1792 a.d.) 

[Descended from Robert de Clermont, Sixth Son of Si. Louis, and Brother of Philip III] 

Henry (IV) the Great, king of Navarre, becomes king of Prance, joining his dominions of 
Navarre (which include Foix, Perigord, Beam, a portion of Gascony, and the Limousin) 
to the crown. His accession is opposed by the politiques and the league, and he has 
only the Huguenots at his back. The Guises proclaim Cardinal de Bourbon as 
Charles X. The duke of Lorraine and the king of Spain are other claimants. Victory 
of Henry over the league at Arques. He is acknowledged in parts of Normandy, 
DauphinI, Brittany, Provence, and Langnedoc. 

1590 Dissension breaks out in the league. Henry wins at Ivry, and lays siege to Paris. 

Philip II sends the duke of Parma to assist the Parisians. Parma besieges Meaux and 
relieves Paris. Philip II claims throne for his daughter Elisabeth. 

1591 Henry obtains assistance from England and Germany. He takes Chartres, and lays siege 

to Bouen. Violent measures of the " Sixteen of Paris." 


1593 Parma relieves Rouen. Mayenne loses the leadership of the league. Parma dies at Anas. 

1593 The league treats with Spain in the interests of Philip II's daughter. It is proposed to 

break the SaUc law. To save the situation, Henry becomes a Catholic. The Huguenots 
do not oppose the step. 

1594 Coronation of Henry at Chartres. He enters Paris. The leaders of the league give their 

allegiance. Henry drives the Spaniards from Normandy and makes peace with the 
duke of Lorraine. 

1595 Attempt of Chfitel to assassinate Henry leads to the expulsion of the Jesuits from France. 

Henry declares war on Philip II. Brave resistance of Henry at Fontaine-Pran5aise. 
The Spaniards ravage the Somme, and Cambray submits to them. Henry, reconciled 
with the pope, receives absolution. 

1596 The duke of Mayenne submits to the king, and receives the government of Burgundy. 

This puts an end to the league. The Spaniards take Calais. 

1597 The Spaniards take Amiens. Henry recovers it later. The baron de Rosny (after- 

wards duke of Sully) is made head of the finances. He makes many urgent reforms. 

1598 Henry issues the Edict of Nantes, granting freedom of worship and political privileges to 

the Huguenots. Treaty of Peace with Spain signed at Vervins. 

1599 Death of Qabrielle d'Estr^es, the king's mistress. Divorce of Henry and Marguerite. 

1600 Henry marries Marie de' Medici. War breaks out with Savoy over the marquisate of 

Saluzzo. Henry takes Montmllian and the duke's possessions on the Rhone. 


1601 Treaty of peace with Savoy. Henry exchanges Saluzzo for Bresse, Bugey, Valromey, 

and the Pays de Gex. 

1602 Plat of the duke of Biron with Spain and Savoy. Biron is tried and beheaded. 

1603 The Jesuits recalled. 

1604 Treaty between Henry and James I of England to uphold the United Provinces. Henry 

sends Champlain to Canada to found Port Royal (Annapolis). Advantageous commercial 
treaty with Turkey. 
1606 Submission of the duke de Bouillon completes the reduction of the recalcitrant nobles. 

1608 Foundation of Quebec. 

1609 Henry assists in the twelve years' truce between Spain and the United Provinces. 

1610 Henry is assassinated by Ravaillac. His nine-year-old son Iiouis (XIII) the Just succeeds 

under the regency of Marie de' Medici. Henry IV's policy is abandoned. 

1614 Revolt of Conde and other nobles against the regency. Marie de' Medici makes the 

Peace of Ste. Menehould with them. Concini declares the king's majority. Louis 
convokes the States-general (the last before the revolution) at Paris. It accomplishes 
nothing, but proves that the third estate has reached a high degree of political 

1615 Marriage of Louis and Anne of Austria, daughter of Philip IH of Spain. She renounces 

all rights to the Spanish throne. Second revolt of the nobles against the government. 
Conde places himself at the head of the discontented Huguenots. Louis inherits the 
county of Auvergne. 

1616 Peace made with the malcontents at Loudun. The future duke of Richelieu becomes a 

member of the council. He causes the arrest of Conde, and troops are sent to put down 
the rebels in Picardy, Champagne, and Berri. 

1617 Quarrel between Concini and Luynes, the king's favourite. The king has Concini mur- 

dered. His wife, Leonora GaligaJ, is beheaded. Marie de' Medici exiled to Blois. 
Richelieu is dismissed. Luynes directs the government. Edict by which the Bfiarnais 
are bereft of their rights as Protestants. The king takes an army to B6arn to enforce 
the edict. 

1618 The great power assumed by Luynes drives the nobles over to the side of Marie de' 

Medici. The Thirty Years' War breaks out in Bohemia. 

1619 Assisted by the nobles, Marie de' Medici escapes from Blois. Richelieu reconciles her 

with Louis. She receives the government of Anjou. Cond6 released from prison. 

1620 France decides to protect the emperor in the Thirty Years' War. Marie de' Medici aims 

to regain her power. The king marches upon Angers and defeats Marie's adherents at 
the Ponts-de-CS. Treaty of Angers reconciles the king and his mother. 
1631 The Huguenots assemble at La Rochelle, publish a declaration of independence, and raise 
an army of which the duke de Rohan takes the head. Luynes proceeds against it. He 
is forced to abandon the siege of Montauban, and dies shortly after. 

1623 Louis continues the Huguenot war. Montpellier is besieged. Peace made with the 

Huguenots. _ The Edict of Nantes is renewed. Richelieu made cardinal. 

1624 Richelieu dominates the ministry and begins to map out his policy, which is chiefly 

directed to resisting the Austro-Spauish house. He interferes in the Valtelline war and, 
sending an army to drive the Spaniards and papal troops from the valley, restores it to 
the Grisons. Richelieu makes treaties with the United Provinces, Savoy, and Venice. 


1685 Revolt of the duke de Soubise and the Rochellois. Richelieu wins naval victories. 

1626 Temporary peace with the Huguenots. Treaty of Monzon with Spain. Conspiracy to 
depose Louis XIH and place his brother Gaston, duke of Orleans, on the throne, Gas- 
ton submits to Richelieu. 

1687 Richelieu lays siege to La Rochelle. 

1628 Surrender of La Rochelle after fifteen months' siege. Peace made with England, which 
has espoused the Huguenot cause. 

1689 Peace of Alais marks the end of the religious wars. Richelieu intervenes in the quarrel 
over the Mantuan succession. Louis XIII and his army force the pass of Susa, and the 
Spaniards raise the siege of Casale. Protestant movement in Languedoc put down. 

1630 Richelieu leads an army into Savoy, where the Spaniards have reappeared. Richelieu 

frustrates the plot of Marie de' Medici and others to overthrow Mm. The " Day of 
Bupes." Marie flees to Brussels, Gaston to Lorraine, and the duke of Guise to Italy. 

1631 Treaty of Barenwald; alliance with Gustavus Adolphus. Treaty of Cherasco ends the 

war in Italy. Treaty with the duke of Savoy, securing Pinerolo to France. Richelieu 
made duke and receives the government of Brittany. 
1633 The exiled nobles attempt to raise the provinces against Richelieu. The royal army wins 
at Castelnaudary. Gaston flees. England returns to France, by treaty, Acadia and 
Cape Breton, which she seized in 1639. On death of Gustavus Adolphus, France takes 
the flrst place in struggle against the Austrian house. 

1633 New treaty of alliance between France and Sweden. Treaty with the United Provinces. 

Louis and Richelieu seize Lorraine. Nancy and Bar-le-duc occupied. 

1634 Gaston makes treaty with the king of Spain. Gaston submits to France. 

1685 The Spaniards seize the archbishop of Treves. Richelieu declares war on Spain. Founda- 
tion of the French Academy. 

1636 Richelieu narrowly escapes assassination by the machinations of Gaston. This war is 

without result in Italy and on the sea. 

1637 The invaders are swept out of France. 

1638 The Austro-Spanish power seems to be checked. A French fleet destroys mat of Spain 

and ravages the coasts of Naples and Spain. Great success of Bernhard of Saxe- Weimar 
on the Rhine. Imperials beaten at Rheinfelden and Breisach taken. The birth of the 
dauphin destroys the hope of Gaston and his friends. The French forced to raise the 
siege of Fontarabia in Spain. Death of Father Joseph, Richelieu's counsellor and agent. 
His place is taken by Mazarin. 

1639 Death of Bernhard of Saxe- Weimar. The French occupy his conquests, and take over his 

army. Richelieu assists the English covenanters with money. Spanish disasters in 
Flanders and on the sea. The French army enters Roussillon. 

1640 Revolt in Normandy put down. Siege of Arras and conquest of Artois by Louis XIII. 

Capture of Turin. Brfee wins naval victory at Cadiz. 

1641 Richelieu assists John of Braganza, the new king of Portugal, and the Catalonian rebels. 

The Spaniards driven from Catalonia by Harcourt. Conquest of RoussiUon and Cerdagne 
by Louis. They are added to France. Gu^briant and Ban6r defeat the imperials and 
Piccolomini at Wolfenbflttel. Conspiracy of Cinq-Mars. 
1643 Victory of Guebriant over Lamboy at Kempen. The French fleet takes Collioure. Defeat 
of the French at Honnecourt. Arrest and execution of Cinq-Mars and De Thou. The 
duke de Bouillon forced to cede Bouillon and Sedan to France. Perpignan falls before 
the French. Louis XIII recognised as count of Barcelona and Roussillon. Guebriant 
goes to Germany and forces the surrender of Leipsic. Death of Richelieu. He has suc- 
ceeded in destroying the balance of Austria's power. Mazarin succeeds as prime minister. 

1643 Death of Louis XIII; succeeded by his five-year-old son, Louis (XIV) the Great. Anne 

of Austria obtains the regency. Mazarin retained as prime minister. The duke d'Eng- 
hien (the great Conde) wins great victory over the Spaniards at Rocroi. The friends of 
the queen return from exile and form the cabal of the Importamts. They plot to kUl 
Mazarin. The queen decides to break with them, and they are again banished. Bnghien 
seizes Thionville. The Weimarian army loses its general, GuSbriant. It is defeated by 
the imperials at Tuttlingen, but is reorganised by Marshal Turenne. French naval 
victory at Cartagena. Negotiations for peace begin at Munster. 

1644 Turenne wins victory over the imperials at Freiburg. Gaston wins at Gravelines. Conde 

and Turenne take Philippsburg, Worms, and Mainz, and drive the imperials from the 
middle Rhine. ^^ 

1645 Turenne defeated by Mercy at Marienthal, but Condi defeats and kills Mercy at Nord. 

lingen. Turenne takes Treves. The Spaniards regain Mardyck from the French. 

1646 Conde goes to Flanders, and takes Dunkirk and other places. 

1647 Turenne and the Swedish general Wrangel win the battle of Lawingen. 

1648 Victory of Turenne and Wrangel at Zusmarshausen. They march upon Vienna. Schoio- 

berg captures Tortosa. Conde administers a crushing defeat to the Spaniards at Lens. 
Treaty of Westphalia between the empire and France ends the Thirty Years' War, 
France keeps her conquests in Lorraine and Artois. The quarrel between France and 
Spain remains unsettled. The burdens and extravagances of Mazarin's rule, together 


with the pretensions of the parliaments for more power, lead to the outbreak of the 
Fronde. Day of the Barricades. Cardinal de Retz heads the popular party. Peace of 
St. Germain, giving advantages to the magistracy, ends the first insurrection of the 
(Old) Fronde. ^ , , v, 

1649 The Spaniards return to Flanders and seize Ypres. Mazarin determines to deal harshly 
■with the frondeurs and the court leaves Paris. Parliament obtains the assistance of 
many of the nobles discontented with Mazarin's rule. Conde refuses to join them and 
lays siege to Paris, which leads to the Peace of Euel, diminishing a few taxes. The 
rebellious nobles refuse to accept the peace and the New Fronde begins. The New 
Fronde opens negotiations with Spain. A Spanish army enters northern France. 

1660 The queen, sustained by the Old Fronde, arrests Conde, Conti, and LonguevUle. Tnrenne 
joins the New Fronde and with Spanish troops threatens Paris. The royal army takes 
Bethel from Turenne. Mazarin releases Condfi and his friends. 

1651 The two Frondes unite through influence of De Ketz and force the queen to exUe Mazarin. 

The Old Fronde, jealous of Cond^, goes over to the side of the queen. CondS rouses a 
revolt in Quienne. Turenne goes over to the court and proceeds against Conde. Ma- 
zarin returns to France. . 

1652 Condi defeats the royal troops at B16neau and at the faubourg St. Antoine, and enters 

Paris. Mazarin retires to Flanders. The Spaniards recover Oravelines, Dunkirk, and 

1653 Weary of the struggle, parliament and the citizens of Paris invite the queen to return to 

Paris. De Retz is imprisoned. Conde joins the Spanish army. Mazarin comes back all- 
powerful. End of the Fronde. 

1664 Cond^ and the Spaniards lay siege to Arras, but Turenne drives them ofi. Turenne takes 

Quesnoy and Stenay. Jansenist doctrines spread. 

1665 Mazarin makes a treaty of peace and commerce with Cromwell. French make a fruitless 

siege of Pavia. Mazarin founds the Academy of Sculpture and Fainting. 

1656 Turenne continues his campaign against CondS. 

1657 Mazarin makes alliance with Cromwell, and England declares war on Spain. The 

Spaniards begin to give way before Turenne's army, strengthened by the Puritans. 

1658 Turenne wins the decisive battle of the Dunes ovei; the Spaniards. Dunkirk surrenders 

and is given over to the English. Gravelines, Oudenarde, and Furnes fall before the 
French. Lionne, Mazarin's agent, forms the League of the Rhine, to uphold the Peace 
of Westphalia. 

1659 Spain yields and the Treaty of the Pyrenees is signed. French'conquests of Artois, Rous- 

sillon, and Cerdagne confirmed. France restores conquests 'in Catalonia to Spain, but 
retains Gravelines and other towns in Flanders. The duchy of Bar ceded to Stance by 
Lorraine, Marriage compact between Louis XIV and the infanta Maria Theresa. 
Cond^ is pardoned. 

1660 Marriage of Louis and Maria Theresa. She renounces her rights to the Spanish throne, 

but her marriage dowry is not paid. Death of Gaston, duke of Orleans, at Blois. 

1661 Death of Mazarin. The personal rule, of Louis begins. Disgrace and imprisonment of 

Fouquet; Colbert takes his place as superintendent of the finances. Marriage of Philip, 
duke of Orleans, brother of Louis, to Henrietta of England. 

1662 Louis buys Dunkirk and Mardyck from Charles IL The French ambassador insulted at 

Rome. Treaty with the Dutch against England. 

1663 Louis occupies Marsal, Avignon, and Venaissin. Colbert introduces many reforms in the 

finances, manufactures, commerce, etc. 

1664 The pope yields, and the quarrel with Rome is settled. Avignon and Venaissin restored. 

Louis aids the emperor and the Venetians against the Turks. The French take an 
important part in the battle of St. Gotthard. Louis prepares to take part in the war 
between England and Holland. Colbert obtains many islands in the West Indies. 

1665 Successful campaign against the Barbary pirates. On death of Philip IV of Spain, Louis 

asserts Maria Theresa's claim to the Netherlands by the right of devolution. Alliance 
with the Dutch. Gorfie taken from the Dutch. 

1666 War declared against England, but the French make little effort to take part in it. Foun- 

dation of the Academy of Sciences. 

1667 Louis makes the Peace of Breda with England. France restores some of the West India 

Islands and England gives back Acadia. Louis enters Flanders and the war of the 
Queen's Rights begins. Rapid French conquests. The whole of Flanders reduced. 

1668 Louis makes a rapid conquest of Franche-ComtS. Holland, alarmed at Louis' progress, 

makes a triple alliance with England and Sweden, and forces Louis to mediation. He 
signs the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle and ends the war of the Queen's Rights, giving up 
Franche-Comte and keeping his conquests in Flanders. 

1670 Louis attempts to break the triple alliance. He buys Charles H, and the secret Treaty of 

Dover is signed. Secret Treaty of alliance with the emperor. Louis secures several of 
the imperial powers as allies, renewing the League of the Rhine. 

1671 Death of Lionne ; succeeded by Pomponne. 

1678 Louis detaches Sweden from the alliance. Charles 11 and Louis renew the Treaty of 


Dover, and Louis declares war on the United Provinces. English ships augment the 
French fleet. Overyssel, Gelderland, and Utrecht submit. William of Orange opens 
the sluices and saves Holland. 

1673 William of Orange succeeds in forming the first coalition against France, composed of the 

United Provinces, Spain, the emperor, the duke of Lorraine, and several of the imperial 
princes, who desert Louis. William recovers Naarden, and with the imperial army 
takes Bonn. Louis takes Maestricht. Indecisive naval combats. 

1674 The war having become European, Louis abandons Holland and attacks the Spaniards in 

Franche-Comte. The province is reduced in six weeks. The Great Elector joins the 
allies. The English parliament forces Charles II to make peace with Holland. Turenne 
defends Alsace, defeats the imperials at Sinsheim, and ravages the entire Palatinate. 
Conde defeats the Spaniards and Dutch at SenefEe. Turenne defeats the imperials at 
Mlilhausen and Colmar. The Spaniards seize Bellegarde in Roussillon. 

1675 Victory of Turenne at Tiirkheim. The imperials driven across the Rhine. Turenne 

enters the Palatinate. Battle of Salzbach and death of Turenne. The French flee 
across the Rhine, pursued by the imperials. Condfi enters Lorraine and drives the 
imperials back across the Rhine. Messina revolts from Spain. Louis sends a fleet. 
Negotiations for peace begin at Nimeguen. 

1676 The French take Conde and Bouchain. The Germans regain Philippsburg. Great naval 

victories of Duquesne in Sicily over the Dutch and Spanish fleets. 

1677 Crfiqui, Turenne's successor, conducts a brilliant campaign in Germany. He wins the 

battle of Kochersberg, and takes Freiburg. Luxemburg, Conde's successor, together 
with Louis, captures Valenciennes and Cambray ; with the duke of Orleans he wins the 
battle of Cassel and takes St. Omer. 

1678 Charles II forced by parliament to make treaty with the Dutch and declare war on France. 

Surrender of Ghent, besieged by Louvois and Louis. Louis withdraws forces from 
Sicily. Peace negotiations concluded at Nimeguen. William tries to break them by 
giving battle to Luxemburg at St. Denis near Mons, but is defeated. Treaty of 
Nimeguen between Holland and France. Treaty with Spain. The conquest of 
Franche-Comte confirmed. Valenciennes and other frontier towns in the Netherlands 
given to France. 

1679 Treaty with the emperor. Philippsburg given up, but Freiburg retained. The Treaty 

of Westphalia confirmed. 

1680 Louis XIV at the height of his power. The title "the Great" bestowed upon him. 

" Chambers of Reunion" regulate the frontier. They declare many fiefs in Alsace and 
Lorraine united to France. Restrictions of the religious liberty of the Huguenots. 
Foundation of Pondicherry. 

1681 Strasburg united to France by force. Luxemburg blockaded. Louis purchases Casale. 
1683 Algiers besieged by Duquesne. England, Spain, and Holland force Louis to raise the 

siege of Luxemburg. The council called by Louis, to settle the differences with the 
pope, emphasises the liberties of the Galilean church. La Salle takes Louisiana. 

1683 Surrender of Algiers. Death of Maria Theresa. Death of Colbert. 

1684 The diet of Ratisbon makes a twenty years' truce with Louis, allowing him to keep 

Luxemburg, Strasburg, and other towns united before 1682 ; but his ambition is not 
satisfied. Duquesne bombards Genoa for assisting the Algerians and Spaniards. 

1685 Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, abolishing all privileges of the Huguenots. They 

emigrate to other countries, causing irreparable loss to France. The doge of Genoa 
submits to terms dictated by Louis. French fleet bombards Tripoli and Tunis. Louis 
claims the lower Palatinate in the name of the duke of Orleans' second wife. 

1686 Louis marries Madame de Maintenon. The emperor, the empire, Spain, Holland, and 

Sweden form the League of Augsburg — the second coalition against France. 

1687 Quarrel with the pope. Louis seizes Avignon and the pope accedes to the league in secret. 

1688 Dispute over Cologne. Louis occupies Philippsburg, the Palatinate, and important places 

on the Rhine. 

1689 William III, placed by the Revolution on the English throne, joins the league, which 

declares war on Prance. Louis gives the deposed James II a fleet to recover the English 
throne, and tries his strength against Spain and Savoy. The dauphin ravages the 
Palatinate. Mainz and other places on the Rhine recovered from the French. The 
Spaniards repulse the French in Catalonia. 

1690 Louis restores Avignon to the pope. Luxemburg defeats the prince of Waldeck at 

Fleurus. James II returns to France after his defeat on the Boyne. Catinat defeats the 
duRe of Savoy at Staffarda. The French take Saluzzo, Chambery, and Susa. 

1691 Louis besieges and captures Mons. 

1693 Louis prepares a descent on England, but his fleet, under Admiral TonrviUe, is defeated 
at La Hogue. Luxemburg takes Namur. 

1693 Tourville wins naval victory from the English off Cape St. Vincent. William III defeated 
at Neerwinden by Luxemburg. The French take Huy and Charleroi. All Piedmont, 
except Turin, in the hands of the French, Louis settles with the pope the dispute con- 
cerning the appointment of bishops. 


1694 The Engliah fail in an attack on Brest. Dieppe, Le Havre, and Dunkirk bombarded. 

The allies recover Huy. 

1695 Villeroi attacks Brussels. William III takes Namur. Casale surrenders to the duke of 

Savoy, who destroys it. 

1696 Louis makes peace with the duke of Savoy and gives him back Casale and Pinerolo. 

James II goes to England with a French army, but the plot is discovered, and he returns 
to France. Destruction of the French magazines at Qivet by the English. 

1697 Catinat, Villeroi, and BoufHers enter Belgium. Ath is captured. William saves Brussels. 

The duke de VendSme captures Barcelona. Pointis captures Cartagena in New 
Grenada. William III accepts Sweden's offer of mediation and the Peace of Eyswick 
ends the war of the league of Augsburg. l/ouis recognises William III as king of 
England. All conquests from England, Spain, and Holland since the Treaty of Nime- 
guen are restored. The empire gets back all places taken since the Peace of Nimeguen, 
except Strasburg. The duke of Lorraine is restored. 

1698 France, England, and Holland sign the first treaty of partition of the Spanish monarchy. 

It is to be divided between France, Austria, and Bavaria. 

1699 Second treaty of partition, made necessary by death of the electoral prince of Bavaria. 

1700 Death of Charles II of Spain leaving by will his entire inheritance to Louis' grandson, 

Philip, duke of Anjou. Louis accepts this for him. 


1701 Alarm and protests in Europe over Louis' violation of the treaty of partition. Louis 

XIV breaks the Treaty of By s wick, and orders the elector of Bavaria, governor of 
Belgium, and his ally to drive the Dutch garrisons from the Netherlands. Formation 
of the third coalition against France — the grand League of the Hague — by England, 
Holland, Austria, and the empire. Louis has for allies the Bavarian princes and the 
duke of Modena and Savoy. The war of the Spanish Succession begins. Prince 
Eugene defeats Catinat and Villeroi. 

1702 Surprise of Cremona by Prince Eugene. Capture of Villeroi, who is replaced by Ven- 

dome. England declares war on France and Spain. Louis sends Boufflers into the 
Netherlands to oppose Marlborough. Victory of Vend6me at Luzzara. The imperials 
are driven beyond the Mincio. Catinat takes command on the Rhine, where the prince 
of Baden takes Landau, Weissenburg, and Hagenau from him. Villars defeats the 
prince of Baden at Friedlingen. The French fleet is defeated in Vigo Bay. Outbreak 
of the eamisards ( Protestants ) in the Cevennes. Marlborough takes many towns in the 
Netherlands. Louis unites the principality of Orange to France. 

1703 The duke of Savoy and Portugal join the coalition. Marlborough captures Bonn, Huy, 

and Limburg. Villars defeats Louis of Baden at Stollhofen, takes Kehl, and joins the 
elector of Bavaria, who has driven the Austrians from the upper Danube. The Franco- 
Bavarians enter Innsbruck and threaten Vienna. They win at Hochstadt. TaUard 
takes Breisach, defeats Louis at Speier, and recovers Landau. 

1704 Marlborough and Prince Louis of Baden defeat the Bavarians and take Donauworth. 

Marlborough joins Prince Eugene. The elector unites with the French, and together 
they suffer a crushing defeat at the hands of the allies at Blenheim. The empire is 
saved. The elector takes refuge in Flanders. Louis of Baden crosses the Rhine and 
retakes Landau. Marlborough takes Trarbach and Treves. Villars recalled to Alsace. 
The French and Spaniards besiege Gibraltar, which has been captured by the English, 
and win great naval victory off Velez Malaga. Surrender of Susa to La FeuiUade. 
Suppression of the camisard revolt by Villars. 

1705 The French and Spaniards compelled to raise the siege of Gibraltar. Marlborough de- 

feats the French at Tirlemont. Louis of Baden drives Villars across the Rhine. Ven- 
d6me wins from Prince Eugene at Cassino. 

1706 Vend6me defeats the allies at Calcinate and drives them from Milanese territory. Marl- 

borough wins the gi'eat victory of Ramillies from Villeroi. La FeuiUade takes Nice and 
lays siege to Turin. Italy falls into the hands of the allies. The archduke Charles 
enters Madrid, drives Philip V from his capital, and is proclaimed King Charles III. 
The allies take Lou vain, Brussels, and Malines in the name of Charles III. The Cas- 
tilians replace Philip on the Spanish throne. The allies reject Louis XIV's proposals 
for peace. 

1707 Charles XII of Sweden appears in Germany and paralyses both sides for a time. Villars 

breaks through the Stollhofen lines to join him, but Charles does not desire the French 
alliance and marches towards Poland. Villars returns to the Rhine. Duguay-Trouin 
makes great havoc with the English and Dutch commerce 

1708 France is in desperate financial straits. Failure of a French expedition to Holland. 

Prince Eugene jpins Marlborough, and they surprise Ghent and Bruges and defeat 
Yendome and the dUke of Burgundy at Oudenaide. The allies cross into Fiance and 


besiege Lille, whicli Boufflers is compelled to surrender. The Dutch penetrate as far as 
Versailles. The duke of Savoy recovers his frontier fortresses from France. Measures 
taken against the Jansenists. Port Royal suppressed. 

1709 Louis renews offers of peace, but his terms are rejected. Famine and misery in Prance. 

The allies take Tournay and defeat Villars and Boufflers at Malplaquet, though with 
tremendous losses. Mens surrenders to the allies. 

1710 Louis makes further concessions to obtain peace, but is unsuccessful. The allies take 

Montaigne and Douai. Marlborough takes Bethune. The allies take St. Venant and 
Aire. Philip V again driven from Madrid by Charles III. Venddme takes command of 
the French in Spain, restores Philip, and defeats the Austrians at Villaviciosa. 

1711 Marlborough defeats the French at Arleux and takes Bouchain. The French take Gerona 

in Spain. Fall of the Whig government in England. The Tories declare for peace. 
Marlborough retired from the command. The succession of Charles to the empire 
changes the attitude towards the Spanish succession. Truce made with England. 
Duguay-Trouin captures Rio Janeiro. Death of the dauphin. 

1712 Peace congress opened at Utrecht. The emperor and the empire refuse to take part. 

Prince Eugene continues his campaign in the Netherlands ; is defeated at Denain by 
Villars. Douai, Marchiennes, Anchin, and Le Quesnoy retaken. The French frontier 
is saved. Philip V renounces his claim to the French throne. The Dutch enter the 
truce with England. Death of the duke of Burgundy (the second dauphin) and his 
eldest son, the duke of Brittany. 

1713 Treaty of peace signed at Utrecht between all powers except the emperor and the empire, 

on the basis of the Treaty of Byswick. The permanent separation of the French and 
Spanish crown agreed upon. France obtains Barcelonnette but gives up Newfound- 
land, Acadia, and Hudson Bay Territory to England. Dunkirk dismantled. The em- 
peror and the empire continue the war. Villars takes Landau and Freiburg. 

1714 Treaty of Bastatt with the emperor, and Treaty of Baden with the empire. Freiburg, 

Brisach, and Kehl restored to Germany. France retains Strasburg. End of the war 
of the Spanish Succession. Death of the duke de Berri, leaving Louis, duke of Anjou, 
son of the duke of Burgundy, heir to the throne. Louis legitimatises his children by 
Madame de Montespan. 

1715 Death of Louis XIV; succeeded by his grandson Ijcul8 (XV) the Well-Beloved, under 

regency of the Juke of Orleans. 

1716 John Law's bank established. 

1717 Formation of a Triple Alliance by France, England, and Holland, to resist the Spanish 

minister Alberoni. Creation of Law's Mississippi Company (Compagnie d' Occident). 

1718 Plot of the Spanish party to assassinate the regent. Compagnie des Jndes formed ; the 

Royal Bank founded. The emperor joins the Triple Alliance, forming the Quadruple 

1719 War with Spain. 

1730 Alberoni yields to the Quadruple Alliance, and the war ends. The ' ' Mississippi Bubble " 

1721 Dubois made cardinal. 

1'732 Coronation of Louis ; Dubois prime minister. 
1723 Louis' majority proclaimed. Deaths of the regent and Cardinal Dubois. Duke de 

Bourbon prime minister. 
1725 Louis marries Marie Leszcynska. 
l'i'26 Fleury, bishop of Fr^jus, prime minister. 
l'i'33 The war of the Polish Succession begins. Berwick takes Kehl and lays siege to Philipps- 


1734 Villars and Charles Emmanuel lay siege to Milan. Novara, Arena, and Tortona surrender 

to them. Death of Villars at 'Turin. Berwick killed at the siege of Philippsburg. 

1735 Peace congress opened at Vienna. End of war of Polish Succession. 

1738 The French assist the Genoese in Corsica. 

1739 The French reduce nearly the whole of Corsica. 

1740 'The French retain their hold on Corsica. 

1741 The First Silesian War (the Austrian Succession) begins. France joins Prussia by the 

Treaty of Nymphenburg. A French army enters Bohemia. Prague is captured. 

1743 Frederick II makes peace with Maria Theresa. The French, left alone in Bohemia, are 

forced to retreat from Prague. 
1748 Death of Fleury. French defeated at Dettingen ; the " Journie des Batons Bompua." 

1744 Vigorous renewal of the war (sometimes called Second Silesian War) by a league 

against France formed at Frankfort. Failure of French expedition to Scotland to sup- 
port the young Pretender. In Flanders, Marshal Saxe captures several towns. Louis 
has severe illness at Metz ; on his recovery he is called " the Well-Beloved." Indecisive 
naval battle between French and English off Toulon. 

1745 Marshal Saxe takes Tournay and defeats the English and Dutch at Fontenoy and Antoin. 

The Austrian Netherlands fall into his hands. Victory of Bassignano. In America the 
Knglish take Louisburg and Cape Breton from the French. Maria Theresa makes 


Peace of Dresden with the king of Prussia. End of the Second Silesian War, leaving 
France practically isolated. 

1746 The French and Spaniards defeated at Piacenza. Saxe wins victory at Raucoux. In 

India Labourdonnais and Dupleix take Madras from the English. English invade 
Provence ; forced by Marshal Belle-Isle to withdraw. Madame de Pompadour becomes 
mistress of Louis. 

1747 Saxe wins victory of Lawfeld from the English. Count de Lowendahl takes Bergen-op- 

Zoom, and Holland is invaded by the French. Great defeat of the French fleet by 
Admiral Hawke off Belle-Ile. 

1748 Dupleix repulses English from Pondicherry. Peace concluded at Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen). 

England and Prance mutually restore their conquests. France enters on a period of 
great commercial prosperity. - 

1751 Clive defeats Dupleix and his Indian allies at Arcot. The Ecole Militaire established at 

1753 Beginning of quarrel between parliament of Brittany and the duke d'Aiguillon. Exile of 

the magistrates of the parliament of Paris for interference in religious matters. 

1754 Dupleix recalled from India. His successor Qodeheu makes a truce with the English. 

George Washington with English and Indian troops is sent from Virginia into the Ohio 
valley and takes possession of Fort Necessity. Jumonville, sent by Villiers to demand 
its evacuation, is surprised and killed. Villiers besieges Fort Necessity and obliges 
Washington to surrender. The French and Indian War begins. The king imposes 
silence on parliament on questions of religion. 

1755 England prepares for war on France. Admiral Boscawen captures two French ships. 

Defeat of Braddock. The French defeated on Lake George. 

1756 France allies herself with Austria and Russia — " Alliance of the Three Petticoats." The 

Seven Years' War begins. French fleet defeats Admiral Byng and takes Port Mahon. 
French defeat on the Onondaga, but Montcalm takes Fort Oswego. 

1757 France declares war on Frederick the Great and joins the league, composed of Russia, 

Saxony, the German diet, and Sweden, against him. French army under D'Estrees 
defeats the English under the duke of Cumberland at Hastenbeck. The French occupy 
Hanover, Gottingen, and Cassel. Richelieu drives the English to the Elbe, and Cum- 
berland surrenders to him at Closter-Seven. Frederick the Great defeats Soubise at 
Rosshach. English fleet repulsed at La Rochelle. In America, Montcalm captures Fort 
William Henry . War resumed in India. Clive captures Chandaruagar. Attempt of 
Damiens to assassinate Louis XV. 

1758 English expel French from Emden. Ferdinand of Brunswick dislodges Clermont from 

Brunswick, defeats him at Crefeld, and takes Dilsseldorf. Soubise wins battles of 
Sondershausen and Lutzelberg and takes Cassel. Admiral Osborne defeats Duquesne 
off Cartagena. English fleets ravage the French coast, and capture Cherbourg. Eng- 
lish defeated in an attack at St. Male. In America Fort Duquesne, Louisburg, and 
Cape Breton are taken by the English, but General Abercrombie is repulsed at Ticon- 
deroga. English capture Fort Louis in Senegal and drive the French from Gorfc. 
General Lally sails for India ; his ships are defeated by Admiral Pococke. On arrival 
he besieges and captures Fort St. David and besieges Madras. 

1759 Disastrous year for France. The duke de Broglie defeats Ferdinand of Brunswick and 

the English at Bergen ; but Ferdinand and the English win at Minden. The French 
evacuate Hanover and Hesse. Failure of a French attempt to invade England. Le 
Havre bombarded by an English fleet. Admiral Boscawen defeats Admiral La Clue in 
Lagos Bay. Admiral Conflans defeated by Admiral Hawke in Quiberon Bay, and his 
fleet destroyed. In America the French lose Fort Niagara, Ticonderoga, and Crown 
Point. General Wolfe defeats the French on the Heights of Abraham. Montcalm and 
Wolfe slain. Surrender of Quebec. Admiral Pococke defeats a French fleet near 

1760 A French fleet under Thurot is captured. The French regain Marburg and win at Kor- 

bach ; lose at Warburg ; win at Kloster Camp. English conquest of Canada completed. 
In India the English take the offensi